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111.
Turkey and the United States (US) have had a close mutually beneficial political and military relationship since the end of World War Two. However, this relationship came under pressure when the US government and Turkey's ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) tried to cooperate closely in the 2003 military invasion of Iraq. AKP's leadership failed to persuade Turkey's parliament to accept the deployment of US troops and equipment in Turkey partially due to public opinion. Despite Turkish media and its government being intertwined to the extent where subversive discourses are all but silenced, some popular music videos were able to articulate discourses which questioned AKP's military policies. This paper analyses lyrics, visuals and sounds of one of these songs to look at the way war and political issues become articulated through a form of simplified popular politics, despite being presented as serious and authentic by a number of key signifiers across the different modes. A number of scholars have addressed the issue of subversion in music both as actual political challenge and as popular counter culture. This case study is used to assess subversion in music in these terms in order to consider its likely place in political debate in Turkey.  相似文献   
112.
"潘公"信仰作为一种俗神崇拜,在福建部分不发达村落中传衍多年,如中国众多民间信仰一样,是乡村民众重要的精神支柱,但在现代化背景下却逐渐走向没落甚至泯灭。本文试图揭示区域性民间信仰走向没落的内在原因,并对重构民众信仰世界重视农村基层宗教工作提出建议。  相似文献   
113.
Throughout her time as a concert singer in 1960s America Miriam Makeba was promoted as the embodied voice of a sonic, imagined Africa. Where her white audiences were attracted to the complete ‘‘otherness’’ of her African blackness, her black American audiences saw themselves – or imagined versions of themselves – put on stage, and built solidarities between their own struggle and the struggle against apartheid. In this essay, I argue that the discourses that followed Makeba’s voice and body reflected the evolving attitudes of America towards Africa, and, through Africa, its contradictory relationship to its own African American citizens. Makeba played on these discourses to craft a political and musical identity in solidarity with black and diasporic causes. This identity, embodied in the persona of ‘‘Mama Africa,’’ allowed Makeba the flexibility to speak to and for her fellow (South) Africans with cultural authority. By joining the oft-opposed positions of ‘‘Africa’’ and ‘‘The World,’’ Makeba became what I’m calling an African Cosmopolitan.  相似文献   
114.
法律多元主义的产生与发展,对各国法治发展的影响不容忽视.当代中国自上而下推行法治,法律规范创制体系以国家制定法为中心,但现代社会中民间法的超强生命力、道德的法律化、法律原则的普遍适用等现象冲击了制定法的中心地位,法律规范的创制体系也由此趋于多元.这种多元主义法律观对当代中国的法治运行具有现实意义.  相似文献   
115.
民间法作为重要的法渊之一,有其存在的现实合理性和必要性。其对法治建设既有正面效应又有负面影响。探讨民间法对法治建设的可能性贡献正是本文的要旨所在。  相似文献   
116.
In a previous edition of this journal, an argument concerning the demonization of politicians and the changing nature of democracy was raised. This, in turn, raised previously unconsidered questions about (inter alia): the discourse, language and symbolism surrounding politicians; the limits of democratic politics; the politics of public expectations; and whether political scientists have a professional duty to the public in terms of promoting the public understanding of politics. The aim of making this provocative argument – framed as it was around a reinterpretation of the MPs expenses scandal in the UK – was to provoke a debate about the existence of certain ‘self-evident’ truths, the fragility of democratic politics and the future of political science as an academic discipline. Phrased in these terms the initial article was successful as six respondents – Domonic Bearfield, Alastair Campbell, Martin Gainsborough, Peter Riddell, Klaus Segbers and Gerry Stoker – immediately entered the fray and sought to either finesse and develop my arguments or to offer a considered critique. This article discusses ‘debating demonization’ in the form of a reply to each respondent and a focus on (in turn): the politics of demonization; the politics of the media; the politics of social class; the politics of monitory mechanisms; the politics of performance; and the politics of political science.  相似文献   
117.
This article makes an argument of almost primitive simplicity: politicians have become examples of Cohen's ‘folk devils’. This, in turn, raises as yet unexplored questions about demonisation and social discourse, the capacity of politicians, the role of invisible political actors, the dangers of ‘self-evident truths’ and the challenges of revitalising politics within a low-trust high-blame environment. More specifically, this article engages in a process of conceptual travelling through which the theory of moral panics and the concept of ‘folk devils’ are deployed in order to tease apart a recent political crisis. The core argument of this article is that Cohen's seminal work on folk devils provides a powerful conceptual lens through which to generate a more reasoned and balanced account of political behaviour. More broadly, it argues that the ‘bad faith model of politics’ presents a severely distorted view of political reality that urgently needs revision.  相似文献   
118.
从尼采的悲剧学说解读盖茨比的悲剧性   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
本文运用尼采的悲剧学说对菲茨杰拉德的小说《了不起的盖茨比》中的主人公盖茨进行分析,旨在阐明盖茨比集日神精神和酒神精神于一体,是理智和激情的混合体,在社会悲剧大背景中注定他的个人遭遇是无法避免的,由此为人们理解其悲剧性提供一个新的途径。  相似文献   
119.
理解村上春树的另一种方法——音乐   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
村上春树童年开始学习钢琴,大学期间与爵壬、摇滚为伍,毕业后经营爵士酒吧,音乐造诣非同一般。村上擅长讲故事,更擅长用音乐渲染气氛。因此,若想深刻理解村上及村上的文学,音乐是必不可少的方法。本文从村上与音乐的关系入手,通过分析《挪威的森林》《国境以南太阳以西》及《奇鸟行状录》等三篇小说的背景音乐,探索用音乐理解村上的可能及音乐在村上文学中的重要作用。  相似文献   
120.
通过若干建筑实例,从音乐所表现出的连续、渐变、起伏和交错等节奏感与韵律感,说明作为凝固音乐的城市建筑,给人一种强烈的空间音乐感和艺术的享受.  相似文献   
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