Out of the Hands of the Parties: Women's Legislative Recruitment at Westminster

At the next general election the percentage of women elected to the smaller House of Commons risks being lower than in the current parliament, where they constitute 22 percent of all MPs. The 2008–10 Speaker's Conference identified many of the barriers faced by women and other under‐represented groups and made a series of recommendations, only some of which have been introduced. The Government favours a voluntary approach to Recommendation 24, which calls for diversity data monitoring, whilst Recommendation 25 which calls for serious consideration of legislative quotas in the absence of a significant increase in the numbers of women in 2010, appears forgotten. A second Speaker's Conference should therefore be established; the issue of women's under‐representation should be taken up above the party level—with legislative quotas introduced to address the system level failure of democratic representation at Westminster.     

Reflections on experimentalist governance

This article critically engages with Sabel and Zeitlin's important notion of experimentalist governance (EG). It is cast as a “recursive process of provisional goal‐setting and revision based on learning from the comparison of alternative approaches to advancing them in different contexts.” This is a useful heuristic device to capture policymaking and implementation in complex, dynamic, and highly diverse political entities. This article discusses the micro‐foundations underpinning EG, how it relates to hierarchical modes of governing, and how well it captures the distinctive traits of the EU. It also discusses EG from a democratic perspective. In democratic terms EG is understood as a form of direct deliberative polyarchy. This article notes that the question of EG's contribution to democratization cannot, however, be adequately addressed unless we pay more systematic attention to representation and representative democracy.     

Participation beyond citizenship: migrants' associations in Italy and Spain

Danese analyses the reasons for the weakness of migrants' associations in Italy and Spain in comparison to the importance and power of other organizations operating in the field of immigration, such as trade unions, church-based or secular bodies. A method inspired by the basic concept of political opportunity structure, taking into account the contextual factors that shape collective organization, is proposed as the best one for looking at the specific situation in the new immigration countries of Southern Europe. Danese argues that the engagement of a complex field of actors in the representation of migrants' interests in Italy and Spain should not be considered occasional or temporary but historically rooted and a contributing factor to the development of a kind of separation-inclusion of migrants.     

No Identification Without Representation: Constraints on the Use of Biometric Identification Systems

The human species is again becoming nomadic. Each year, about two billion persons move across large geographic distances (not to mention people in “virtual mobility” through information and communication technology). Many of these people have weak or unreliable identification documents—and many poorer people in developing countries do not even have these documents. In 2000, the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) calculated that 50 million babies (41% of births worldwide) were not registered at birth. In this scenario, a personal identification scheme based on birth registration and state‐issued passports is less and less tenable. Biometrics appears to offer a viable technological solution. However, the technology itself is subject to popular critique, warning of dystopian futures of overwhelming surveillance and loss of privacy. The best answer to those who fear an Orwellian future is to engage with the technology and seek to ensure that biometric identification systems are developed in positive ways. We suggest that identification schemes become problematic when the reciprocity of identification goes unnoticed, forgotten, or (what is worse) is intentionally bypassed. The dynamics of identification should be reciprocal, dialogical, and involving mutual recognition. In the traditional political domain, this is the recognition by the state of a citizen and by the citizen of the state. In the digital age, identification systems must increasingly transcend geopolitical borders. A globally recognized identification scheme is therefore a necessity. However, it is merely the nature of the borders that has changed here—not the nature of identification. Our call will be: no identification without representation.     

A God of Vengeance and of Reward? Voters and Accountability

Theories of democratic politics prize congruence between citizens’ preferences and their elected representatives’ actions in office. Elections are a critical means for achieving such policy congruence, providing voters the opportunity to chasten representatives who are out of step with constituent preferences and to reward the faithful. Do voters act this way? Recent studies based on observational data find they do, but these data are somewhat limited. We employ a survey experiment to estimate the extent to which information about policy congruence affects voters’ evaluations of representatives. We informed some subjects how often their member of Congress’s voting decisions match their own stated preferences on the same policies. We find that information about congruence enhances accountability by affecting constituent evaluations of representatives and may also affect citizens’ propensity to participate in upcoming elections.     

The electoral connection in presidential systems: non-legislative actions inside the Chilean congress

The purpose of this article is to explore how the features of districts affect representation activities in the Chilean Congress. Based on an analysis of interventions by deputies in the so-called Incidents Hour (Hora de Incidentes), we argue that district conditions affect the kind of appeals that deputies make. Specifically, we test two main hypotheses: a) that the degree of rurality of districts predicts greater use of policy intervention at the local level (local credit claiming), and b) that distance from the centre is an incentive for deputies to taking a position on local issues (local position taking). This article contributes to an understanding of how institutional spaces in the Congress serve not only as instruments for legislation but also, and with equal relevance, for representing constituents at the district level.     

论无权代理

当享有选择权的相对人认为向无权代理人追究其权利更有利时,则可主张狭义的无权代理。相反,若认为向其本人追究责任更为有利时,则可主张表见代理,这样更有利于保护善意无过失的相对人。由此可见,相对人权利的更好保护与相对人更多的注意义务是分不开的。     

Measuring attitudes toward grievance systems: A procedural justice perspective applied to the workplace

Contractual grievance procedures have long been utilized in union-management relationships to resolve workplace disputes. Little research attention, however, has focused on determining unionized workers' perceptions of and attitudes about such procedures. This study develops an instrument designed to measure worker attitudes toward the grievance procedure (ATGP). The survey items and conceptual framework are based on prior research in the areas of administrative and procedural justice. Employing a national sample (N=1080) from a single union, the results support a multidimensional attitudinal measure. Four key dimensions of workers' assessment of the grievance procedure were found: (i) Fairness, (ii) Effectiveness, (iii) Representation, and (iv) Importance. The structure of the measure was stable across identified sub-groups in the sample. Some differences in the attitudinal assessment on the four dimensions emerged depending upon union office holding and the grievance-filing experience of the respondents. Last, potential future applications of the instrument are discussed.     

析表见代理中的有理由相信原则

随着市场经济的发展 ,我国的法制体系也越来越健全 ,尤其是作为调整整个市民社会的民法规范及其相关规定也趋于完善。我国《合同法》第四十九条确立的新制度 ,即表见代理制度的立法规定更进一步完善和强化了合同作为人类社会基础的调节作用。然而作为广义上的无权代理的表见代理 ,它在其责任承担与实施该行为的法律效力上却存在一些学理上和事实上的障碍 ,因而本文将就构成表见代理行为有效的要件 ,即“相对人有理由相信”这一原则作一粗陋的分析 ,以澄清一些法律枝节。至于本文疏漏之处 ,均系本人疏懒及学力不逮所致。笔者不揣学力浅薄划成此文 ,唯以抛砖引玉慰 ,切祈请前辈先进不吝良言 ,予以教正。