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31.
The article deals with new modes of representation of Croatian contemporary history. It argues that the Croatian grand narrative of the twentieth century is presented as the continuous fight of Croats for their nation-state. All historical events in the narrative are appraised as beneficial or harmful only in how they contributed to the creation of the state. The pattern of representation in heavily ethnocentric. The constructed self-image of the Croatian nation portrays Croats as humiliated and repressed by various others in the twentieth century. Croats are represented as the victims of other national groups and of history. The notion of historical responsibility is nonexistent for the analysed period. 相似文献
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Political participation researchers have developed several evaluative techniques to assess the representativeness of political participation patterns. Yet, while the Internet has become a mainstream avenue for political participation in the United States, current assessments of online participation insufficiently apply these methods. To incorporate these methods we begin by drawing upon resource theory to inform two-stage ordered-logit models of online and offline political participation. Our results suggest that the factors predicting online participation often differ from the factors that predict offline participation. Even so, we find that those from higher socioeconomic backgrounds tend to disproportionately possess these distinct online determinants. Next, we use a wide spectrum of political opinion questions to determine whether online participators opinions reflect or distort those of the general population. Overall, we find that online participation tends to relate moderately with liberal preferences. However, because offline participation relates to political attitudes similarly, the Internet only marginally advantages the political voice of liberals. Finally, we discuss the implications of these results. 相似文献
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The extent of strategic voting in the Spanish general elections of 2000, 2004 and 2008 is estimated using a new measure of strategic incentives suitable for proportional representation systems that avoids some of the problems associated with lagged variables. Strategic behaviour increased from 12 to 33 per cent of the electoral base of the United Left Party, the major victim of strategic defection. This estimate is a conservative one as elite mobilisation is controlled for in the constituencies, which is unusual in the literature on strategic voting that uses regression‐based methods. 相似文献
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Palatal rugae have been related with specific racial groups and are said to be useful in sex discrimination. This work aimed to characterize the palatal rugae patterns in a Portuguese population. Fifty plaster casts were examined for first and third rugae shape evaluation; shape, frequency, and association with sex were studied. In females, the most prevalent first rugae were the straight type on the right and the curve type on the left; in males, the straight type was the most prevalent on both sides. The most frequent third rugae type was sinuous on both sides, in both sexes. No significant sexual dimorphism in rugae shape was found (p > 0.05). When comparing these results with those from other investigations, it was clear that a particular rugae pattern could be established for different ethnic groups. However, the small sample size justifies further work in larger samples to validate these findings. 相似文献
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《Justice Quarterly》2012,29(4):427-451
On May 1, 2002, the Philadelphia Police Department launched Operation Safe Streets, stationing officers at 214 of the highest drug activity locations in the city 24 hours a day, 7 days a week. Interrupted time series (AutoRegressive Integrated Moving Average) models on weekly data isolated citywide and local program impacts on all violent crimes, murder, and reported drug crimes. Results showed no significant impacts on citywide weekly counts for drug crimes, homicides, or all violent crimes. Geographically focused analyses showed significant localized intervention impacts for both violent and drug crimes. Analyses of high‐drug‐activity non‐intervention sites suggest: the program impacts seen were not an artifact of history or local history; significant spatial diffusion of preventive benefits for violent crime; and probably significant spatial displacement for drug crime. Stationary targeted drug‐enforcement interventions like Operation Safe Streets may differentially affect the locational selection processes behind violent crime versus drug crime. 相似文献
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Youth parliaments provide a channel for young people to engage positively with the political system and benefit themselves and their communities. Using survey data of former members of the Scottish Youth Parliament (SYP), and comparing them with a variety of population data, the paper investigates whether the SYP is representative of the Scottish population, and whether engagement with the youth parliament has had an impact on members' personal and skills development, and associational activities in later life. Results suggest that former members of the youth parliament are representative of the general population and that personal and skills development has been high. In addition, an overwhelming majority of former members perceive positive impacts from their experiences. However, volunteering, although higher among former members compared with the population, is disproportionately favoured by the very same social groups that are known to volunteer more. The authors interpret this as evidence that the SYP has some way to go towards engendering volunteerism. These results are likely to be of interest to those who are either studying or engaging the younger generation in activities that sustain a healthy democratic regime. 相似文献
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Achieving greater female presence in influential positions is a commonly discussed strategy for gender reform in institutions such as the US Congress. Using theory adapted from research on gender in the workplace, this study examines whether women representatives, as ‘managers’ of congressional offices, alter patterns of gender representation in Congress by hiring and promoting more women staffers compared with men representatives. Cross-sectional logistic regression analyses of staffer sex during the 110th and 111th Congresses (2007–10) reveal a positive relationship between women representatives and female presence on congressional staffs. However, the relationship does not hold with respect to the most influential staff positions. These findings provide only limited support for theories that women representatives act as ‘change agents’ by directly facilitating opportunities for women, and highlight the importance of exploring alternative strategies for empowering women and regendering legislative institutions. 相似文献