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161.
论中国近代法律精英的法治理想 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
张仁善 《河南省政法管理干部学院学报》2006,21(1):93-101
中国历史上几次大的法律转型,都离不开法律精英的发起和推动。传统中国社会,法律精英们的任务就是想尽一切办法论证专制权力存在的合理性,他们自身也因此变成专制权力的附着物,成为“人治”社会的牺牲品。近代法律精英的产生及其法治理想的形成是在清末传统社会向近代社会变迁之后,法律精英通过直接或间接途径,着手在中华本土绘制法治蓝图,追求法治理想:尝试制定良法,构建近代法律体系; 创制根本大法,追求宪政精神;收回治外法权,捍卫司法主权;争取司法独立,倡导司法公正;强调依法而治, 注重保障人权。由于受现实政治、社会及自身条件的制约,法律精英的法治理想注定只能停留在理论层面, 实际效应并不明显,政权更迭之际,自身也面临复杂的人生抉择。1949年以后的很长一段时间内,法律精英大多退到历史的后台,没有机会展示法治理想和抱负。直到数十年后,随着新一代法律精英的诞生,法律文化才重新焕发出勃勃生机。但是,法律精英要实现个体人格的真正独立,恪守法律至上,胸怀法治理想,为整个法治社会贡献才智,还有漫长的路要走。 相似文献
162.
《Revista mexicana de ciencias políticas y sociales》2014,59(222):279-312
The recomposition of Mexican political elites during the 1980s overlaps with the transformation of a development model that shifted from a basically protectionist and nationalistic model to a neo-liberal and open-oriented one. Such a switch has implied far-reaching changes in the social practices of political elites. Based on a record that contains each high-rank official during the 1988–2014 period, the mechanisms having established a transnational power network crossing from one presidential term to the next are reviewed, as well as those factors that favored the organization of a power field increasingly focused on the border between the national, regional and global spaces. Some of those mechanisms include the international historical context; the creation of working teams with a basically neo-liberal worldview; the trajectories of the high-rank officers; the reforms that have been driven; the fluent transit among public and private positions, and the highly varied relationships established between this group of officials and transnational actors and organizations. It is concluded that the elites’ new social practices do not only hamper and challenge the creation of public goods and autonomous structures with the capacity of planning according to the general interest, but they also encourage institutional depredation. 相似文献
163.
《Revista mexicana de ciencias políticas y sociales》2014,59(222):391-421
This article aims at analyzing the profile and the social structure resulting from the career itineraries of governmental elites in the states of Guanajuato, the State of Mexico, and Mexico City during the 2000-2012 period. The author applies a mixed method combining the conventional sociological analysis with a network approach. The study observes in the first place the relevance of the local space for the creation and development of elites. Secondly, it identifies the regularities and divergences in the elite recruitment and development processes in the three states under study. Finally, the analysis reveals that instability in employment may be simultaneously construed as uncertainty and an asset since it allows the local elites to gather a considerable political and social capital. 相似文献
164.
Olawale Ismail 《Journal of contemporary African studies : JCAS》2008,26(3):259-278
This article interrogates the manner in which the composition, character, regeneration, and accumulation strategies of power elites and the organisation of their hegemony is being affected or unaffected by recent developments, most especially, civil wars and their corollary, postwar reconstruction, in Africa. By seeking to understand how conflicts and post-conflict reconstruction alter or transform the character, recruitment and role of power elites, and the operational context (the nature of the state) in Africa, this article draws attention to the prospects of transforming the nature of leadership in Africa. I contend that the capacity for violence and terror by individuals (especially young combatants who were previously marginalised) and armed groups has become a new marker of elitism and a leverage on peace agreements. Moreover, post-Cold War conflicts in Africa have accentuated the emergence of war-making power elites as ‘executors’ and ‘trustees’ of peace treaties, or ‘peace celebrities’ with considerable leverage on the course and outcomes of postwar reconstruction. The instability in post-1989 Liberia is used as a case study to reflect this claim. I also cite examples of members and leaders of armed groups in countries such as Côte d'Ivoire, Nigeria, Sierra Leone and the Democratic Republic of Congo where the capacity for violence translated into political rewards and gains in peace agreements. 相似文献
165.
依我国的惯例,政府提交的报告或议案一般总能预期在人大常委会顺利通过.但近年来已有多起地方人大常委会否决地方政府报告或议案的事例发生。通过行使否决权,地方人大常委会对抑制政府滥用权力或不作为的情况确实起到了一定的问责作用。但相关否决事例亦透视出地方人大常委会在行使否决权过程中存在运行机制的立法缺位现象。 相似文献
166.
国家工作人员职务犯罪与职务犯罪并非同一概念。国冢工作人员职务犯罪应当指,国家工作人员违反法律法规,利用职权或者亵渎职权,给国家、人民造成重大损失的犯罪的总称。国家工作人员职务犯罪与其说是“权力异化”,不如说是“角色冲突”的结果。从角色冲突角度出发,应当通过减少角色量,促进自觉的角色的出现来预防国家工作人员职务犯罪。高薪若成为对国家工作人员角色的领悟的内容,将会刺激角色冲突的产生,所以不应当宣扬高薪养廉。 相似文献
167.
Political agenda-setting studies have shown that political agendas are influenced by the media agenda. Researchers in the field of media and politics are now focusing on the mechanisms underlying this pattern. This article contributes to the literature by focusing not on aggregate, behavioral political attention for issues (e.g., parliamentary questions or legislation), but on Members of Parliament’s (MP) individual, cognitive attention for specific news stories. Drawing upon a survey of Belgian MPs administered shortly after exposure to news stories, the study shows that MPs are highly selective in exploiting media cues. They pay more attention to both prominent and useful news stories, but a story’s usefulness is more important for cognitive processes that are closely linked to MPs’ real behavior in parliament. In other words, aggregate political agenda-setting effects are a consequence of the way in which individual MPs process media information that matches their task-related needs. 相似文献
168.
During the last 30 years, many public administration reforms promoted by New Public Management have been undertaken. These reforms have spread to Latin‐American countries and include changes in governmental accounting systems, where the implementation of International Public Sector Accounting Standards (IPSASs) has been a stimulus for modernization. This article aims to clarify the situation of IPSASs implementation in the Latin‐American context as well as the stimuli for and effects of their implementation. The analysis shows that there is an emerging international trend to adopt IPSASs in Latin‐American countries although at the same time, there are evident obstacles to achieving reform goals. In Colombia, reforms are still underway, and the usefulness of IPSASs to improve decision‐making at an organisational level cannot be evaluated. Meanwhile, in Peru, the modernization is more rhetorical than real, and many efforts remain to be made for the effective implementation. Copyright © 2016 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
169.
International Public Sector Accounting Standards (IPSASs) are a good reference for a harmonized microaccounting system allowing more transparency and quality in public sector accounting across EU member-States. However, questions remain concerning IPSASs contribution to the convergence between Governmental Accounting (GA) and the National Accounts (NA). This article assess how the proximity to an IPSAS-based accounting system in GA has impact on the diversity and materiality of GA-NA budgetary deficit/surplus adjustments, hence analyzing whether IPSASs might contribute to GA-NA reconciliation. Main findings show that IPSASs do not make considerable difference in terms of GA-NA adjustments, so IPSASs-based EPSASs will hardly contribute to approaching GA-NA. 相似文献
170.
Yoon Ah Oh 《Contemporary Politics》2016,22(2):197-214
The Philippine labour migration regime has been praised as one of the best examples of government-led migration management in the developing world, with some of the most extensive policies and bureaucratic organisations to manage and protect its citizens working abroad. However, not much knowledge has been accumulated that explains its origins or why it emerged in the Philippines and not in other large-scale migrant-sending countries. Contrary to current explanations that emphasise the economic benefits of labour migration and civil society mobilisation, this paper highlights the migration regime's compatibility with the political economy interests of the country's ruling elites. Bringing together the country's two important political and economic features, oligarchic rule and labour export, this paper suggests that the unique genesis of the Philippines’ migration regime casts doubts on the replicability of the Philippine model in other labour-sending countries as currently pursued by the international development community. 相似文献