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51.
史柏年 《中国青年政治学院学报》2006,25(3):55-60
20世纪80年代前后,出现了一场"全球性结社革命".其背后的原因在于发达资本主义国家的"福利国家"制度、发展中国家的发展模式、社会主义国家的"国家社会保险"制度和全球环境等四方面的危机,以及经济增长带来的社会结构变化和通讯革命所形成的信息全球化趋势.从"全球性结社革命"中,我们可以得到众多有益启示. 相似文献
52.
教育公平视野下的政府责任 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
在现代民主社会,教育公平是教育领域的基本价值取向,它不仅关系到社会公平的实现,更关系到社会的稳定与发展。教育公平已成为世界各国教育政策的基本出发点。在构建和谐社会的大背景下,教育公平是制约我国教育健康快速发展的主要因素。政府是推进教育公平的主导力量,要在其中承担主要责任。 相似文献
53.
Abstract: The rate of turnover within parliaments remains an understudied area of research. The present paper contributes to filling this gap by presenting the first comparable macro‐level data on legislative turnover in the 26 Swiss cantonal legislatures. In examining the strikingly different levels of turnover in sub‐national Swiss parliaments between 1993 and 2011, the focus is on politico‐institutional features. Multilevel models reveal that two hitherto neglected institutional variables are correlated with legislative turnover. In addition to the reduction of parliamentary size, we find the strength of a cantonal parliament to affect turnover rates on the Swiss sub‐national level. Moreover, we show that proportional representation significantly promotes parliamentary elite circulation. Among the non‐institutional covariates, we find that electoral volatility is also relevant in explaining legislative turnover rates. 相似文献
54.
正Founded on September 19,2012 in Beijing,World Tourism Cities Federation(WTCF)is a non-profit,non-governmental international mass organization.The establishment of WTCF was proposed by Beijing and organized voluntarily by tourist cities of all countries and regions,non-governmental organizations,associations and enterprises related to tourism.Under the theme of"Tourism Makes City 相似文献
55.
《今日中国(英文版)》2014,(9)
正LIN Zhixin,head of Honghua Concentric Masonic and president of Hong Hua Children’s Home in China’s Taiwan,is distinct from other philanthropists and charitable workers.This is partly due to his focus on vulnerable groups not included under the government budget,and partly because Honghua Concentric Masonic funds come from self-motivated voluntary donations,rather than governmental aid or appeals to the general public. 相似文献
56.
Obert Hodzi 《Journal of contemporary African studies : JCAS》2018,36(2):191-206
Prevailing narratives in the discourse on China-Africa engagement are that China is developing Africa. This paper departs from those narratives because they disregard the agency of Africa's political elite. Basing its argument on the nature of the African political elite, the paper analyses their role in determining the impact of China's economic and trade engagement on economic development in their respective countries. To do that, it first discusses the nature and identity of African political elites, and examines how they control their states and scarce resources. Having done that, the paper then analyses their role in determining the nature and extent of development emanating from their countries’ economic engagement with China. It then concludes that it is not how much foreign states invest in African countries that determines Africa's rise, but rather political elites who influence the direction of their states’ development. 相似文献
57.
Aditi Malik 《英联邦与比较政治学杂志》2018,56(3):340-359
In places prone to electoral violence, what effects can constitutional changes have on elites’ incentives to organise conflict? This article develops two hypotheses to address the above question. It proposes that in places where national reforms find sub-national resonance, national and local politicians’ incentives regarding the electoral utility of conflict will align. However, in places where national-level changes fail to be locally relevant, these incentives will deviate from one another. The research illustrates these logics through a controlled comparison of two Kenyan counties: one that experienced electoral violence and the other that maintained peace around the 2013 elections. 相似文献
58.
Privatisation is often contentious yet in Myanmar it has not so much been its merits or drawbacks that have attracted attention as questions around implementation. In Myanmar, the implementation of privatisation has broad significance for the political economy. A first phase of privatisation was focused on small and medium-sized enterprises and did not have a significant economic impact. A second phase, commenced in 2008, consolidated the interests of a business elite with personal connections to the military regime. The impact of this second phase of privatisation was such that some elements of this elite strengthened to the extent that they no longer relied entirely on patronage, creating opportunities for diversification in their strategies of wealth creation and defence. For this reason, it is argued, the wealthiest strata of Myanmar’s business elite is now best conceived as not simply consisting of cronies but rather as a nascent form of oligarchy. In theoretical terms, this suggests that greater attention to the qualitative difference between cronyism and oligarchy is warranted, as is close study of processes – like privatisation and political reform – that enable or require a wider range of strategies of wealth defence. 相似文献
59.
政府执行力的构成要素包括执行主体、执行工具、执行资源、执行制度、执行环境、执行过程等,这些要素在治理的意义上具有新的内涵、结构与功能,因而能够形成更强的执行力。 相似文献
60.
朱广其 《四川行政学院学报》2010,(1):65-68
农地市场化流转是我国农地产权制度的诱致性创新。当前我国农村土地流转中,由于诸多障碍因素,市场机制难以发挥配置土地资源的基础性作用。从增强市场机制在农村土地流转中的基础性作用出发,政府应该从直接的农村土地流转活动中退出,多方面为农地市场化流转创造有利条件,加快推进农地流转进程。 相似文献