Public-Sector Reform: Employment Security and Quality of Decision Making in the Australian Taxation Office

This article examines the impact of structural reforms and industrial relations changes on the employment security and decision behaviors of middle-level managers in the Australian Taxation Office (ATO). This article is based on an empirical study using focus group and survey data that investigated how structural change and public-sector reforms substantially altered the employment environment. This research reveals that the ATO environment can be characterized by low morale, risk aversion, fear, and distrust brought about, in part, by employment insecurity. Where middle managers perceived organizational threats to their employment security, they engaged in self-protective “survivor” behaviors even when no such threats to their employment security existed. The article concludes that a substantial number of middle-level managers, survivors of years of restructuring, downsizing, and organizational change, were unlikely to display high-quality decision-making behaviors.     

高职院校要重视和加强大学生择业观教育——以秦皇岛市高职院校为例

受当今社会文化观和价值观多元化的影响,高职院校学生择业观存在过于限定自身择业地域和就业单位、过多重视薪酬福利、对自己的认识和评估不准确、择业准备不充分等问题。学生择业价值观不正确、学校对学生就业方面指导不足、政府相关政策和经济发展环境的影响是造成这些问题的主要原因。为此,应通过以下五个方面加强大学生择业观教育：一是放宽户籍限制,促进人才流动;二是合理调整薪酬期望值,正确看待教育的投入产出;三是加强学生的价值观教育;四是建立全程的就业指导模式;五是鼓励学生积极参与实践。     

社会资本与大学生就业相关理论研究综述

无论是劳动力市场中供需平衡理论还是流动与竞争理论等都不能很好地解释大学生就业中存在的诸如“官二代”、“富二代”、“拼爹”等现象,需要借助新的视角——社会资本理论。社会资本作为就业结果的影响因素已经引起广泛关注。尽管国内外学者对于社会资本与大学生就业存在“强关系”和“弱关系”的争议,但至少都认为社会关系网络对大学生就业质量产生着至关重要的影响。这就给我们两点启示：一是政府要尽快建立竞争充分、制度规范的劳动力市场,将社会资本对大学生就业的作用限制在合理范围内。二是在我国劳动力市场未充分完善之前,大学生除了学好专业知识、取得各种证书、加强身体锻炼之外,还应该积累社会资本,增加自己的就业筹码。     

高职毕业生创办微小企业的立体支持体系构建

我国每年的高职毕业生中,选择自主创业的人数占总毕业生人数的比例较少,并且创业成功率较低。导致高职学生创业率低和创业成功率低的原因较为复杂,亟须构建包括高职院校、政府、社会、高职学生在内的创办微小企业的立体支持体系。     

黄河三角洲高效生态经济区产业结构与劳动方就业结构协同优化研究

通过对1995-2010年滨州市的时间序列数据采用动态统计与协整模型分析,测算了该区域产业结构与劳动力就业结构的协同程度。研究表明,该区域的产业结构调整与从业人员总数,以及与第三产业从业人数变动之间存在着长期稳定关系;地区从业人员总数只是产业结构转换的单向格兰杰原因,而产业结构转换与第三产业从业人数之间互为格兰杰原因,可以实现二者的协同优化。相对于传统的扩大就业政策而言,加快第三产业发展更加有助于该区域的产业结构升级转换。     

关于毕业生“流动党员”网络之家建设的一点思考

毕业生"流动党员"主要是指其组织关系未转出而暂留学校,而本人在就业转移和地区间流动的过程中,外出务工、考研、创业的毕业生党员。面对此种特殊情况,对于高校党组织而言,加强流动党员的管理,使其在流动中及时参加党组织生活,接受党组织监督、教育和管理,发挥党员先锋模范作用,是加强党的建设的新任务。大学毕业生流动党员网络之家应结合毕业生实际情况,本着有利于党员的发展与管理、有利于党组织生活的开展、有利于促进党员发挥实际作用的原则,积极运用互联网、手机网络等现代信息载体,创新"流动党员"管理模式,建立由"网上党支部"、"党支部共享邮箱"、"党员QQ群"、"党员飞信群"、"党支部博客、论坛"等内容构成的流动党员"网络之家",实现对"流动党员"的高效管理目的。     

高校共青团服务大学生就业工作的思考

当前高校毕业生的就业形势复杂严峻,党和国家高度重视大学生的就业工作。文章阐述高校共青团服务大学生就业的必要性,分析其存在的问题,从团干部队伍建设、思想政治教育与就业指导的融合性、提高团组织开展活动的吸引力等方面提出建议,以期发挥共青团的作用,促进大学生就业。     

Labour market risks and political preferences: The case of temporary employment

The political economy literature has gathered compelling evidence that labour market risks shape political preferences. Accordingly, insecurity fuels support for redistribution and left parties. This article analyses this argument for temporary workers, a so far neglected risk category which has increased dramatically in the past two decades. Temporary workers also have been in the focus of recent insider‐outsider debates. Some authors in this line of research have argued that temporary work leads to political disenchantment – for example, non‐instrumental responses such as vote abstention or protest voting. This contradicts risk‐based explanations of political preferences. The article discusses both theoretical perspectives and derives conflicting hypotheses for the empirical analysis of temporary workers' policy and party preferences. The review reveals considerable ambiguity regarding the questions which parties temporary workers can be expected to support and what the underlying motives for party choice are. Synthesising arguments from both perspectives, the article proposes an alternative argument according to which temporary workers are expected to support the ‘new’ left – that is, green and other left‐libertarian parties. It is argued that this party family combines redistributive policies with outsider‐friendly policy design. Using individual‐level data from the European Social Survey for 15 European countries, the article supports this argument by showing that temporary, compared to permanent, workers exhibit higher demand for redistribution and stronger support for the new left. Neither the risk‐based nor the insider‐outsider explanations receive full support. In particular, no signs of political disenchantment of temporary workers can be found. Thus, the findings challenge central claims of the insider‐outsider literature.