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141.
武汉城市圈的户籍制度改革对于推动圈内的经济发展及实现中部崛起的战略具有重要意义。目前武汉城市圈内各城市间的户籍制度存在差异、人户分离现象严重,公民的许多权益难以保障,城市化进程受阻,因而应从渐次放宽户口迁移限制、健全以居住地为主的户口登记制度,推进城市圈内人口信息现代化的进程,使武汉城市圈户籍制度改革更臻完善。  相似文献   
142.
The demography of the Greek household is investigated within the context of the town of Preveza. The size, age, and sex composition and structure of the household are also considered. Two detailed censuses of the town are used: the first carried out in 1719, and the second, around 1780. The mean household size has been calculated: 4.24 for 1719 and 4.36 for c. 1780. Analysis of the data shows a clear predominance of males, particularly among the young, and of simple family households. Results presented here need to be seen in the light of other regions of Greece, since few studies yet exist.  相似文献   
143.
This article examines Jewish household and family organization in a middle-sized German city, the Upper Hessian regional center of Marburg, the population of which ranged from 2500 to 6000 from the Thirty Years War to the end of the 18th century. Some general hypotheses about population development, household structure, and family life conveniently summarized by Toch [Toch, M. (1995). Aspects of stratification in early modern German Jewry: Population history and village Jews. In R. P. Hsia & H. Lehmann (Eds.). In and out of the ghetto: Jewish-Gentile relations in late medieval and early modern Germany (pp. 77-89). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press] serve as an organizational frame for the case study. In Toch's view, Jews' comparative wealth, as well as governmental restrictions on their settlement and marriage in central Europe, led to their having larger and more complex households than those of the Christian majority. While household enumerations over time confirm several of Toch's observations, especially the larger size of Jewish families, neither Hessian settlement policy nor local Marburg opposition prevented the Jewish minority of about 1% from keeping pace with general population growth. Moreover, Jews did not respond to their regulated living conditions and status as cultural outsiders with a family organization exhibiting remarkably more internal complexity than did Christian households.  相似文献   
144.
Household registers, which were compiled every three years and contained a variety of demographic information, are invaluable sources with which to investigate family and demographic behaviors of historical populations in Korea, especially during the period of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Linking three sets of household registers that covered the area of Danseong from 1780 to 1786, in this study we examine longitudinal features of Korean household registers. We assess the degree of attrition over six years at both individual and household level, and identify social and demographic characteristics associated with attrition. Our investigation shows a considerable degree of attrition of individuals and households over six years which is significantly associated with the social status of individuals and the household heads. We supplement the analysis of exits with the analysis of new entrances, which shows that in each year of register a substantial number of individuals, comparable to the size of individuals and households lost, were newly added. Those who newly entered the registers are very similar in their characteristics to those who exited the registers. We discuss the implications of our findings for studies that rely on Korean household registers to examine family and demographic behaviors of historical populations in Korea and East Asia.  相似文献   
145.
In this study, we examine age patterns of migration among adults who resided in Seoul in the early twentieth century. We use information, obtained from the Seoul household registers, on the length of time these adults lived in their current residences to estimate age-specific migration rates and construct migration life tables. Our findings point to the following: First, Seoul residents were quite mobile. On average, during the early twentieth century, Seoul residents moved approximately four times between their primary working ages of 15 and 64. Second, upper-class individuals were more mobile than lower-class individuals. While the upper-class individuals moved approximately five times between ages 15 and 65, the lower-class individuals moved less than three times. This class differential can be explained because Korean bureaucrats experienced frequent duty changes during this period. Third, household composition also affected migration rates. We compare our results with European migration studies and discuss the implications of these finding on urbanization that occurred in early twentieth century Seoul.  相似文献   
146.
文化转型下中国农村家庭养老探析   总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4  
高和荣 《思想战线》2003,29(4):100-103
我国目前农村家庭养老文化的转型,集中表现在从家族主义到家庭民主;从宗法制度保障到主要依靠舆论约束;从无条件性、非功利性到条件性和功利性。这些变化带来了农村家庭养老纠纷增多等诸多新问题。要解决好这些问题,必须从深层次探索农村家庭养老社会化的新路。  相似文献   
147.
“房多多家族”的连续出场不能引起我们感喟和思索,“房多多”的生成原因或是行政官员借助权力聚敛财富,或是一些暴发户余财投资房产,还有一些或许是行贿受贿的产物,其中也不乏社会监管不力的恶果。因而推进住房信息联网、加强户籍管理工作、提升治理打击力度是我们时下更应该关注和思考的焦点问题。  相似文献   
148.
目前,《户政与人口管理》课程已开展的课堂教学改革就其总体而言取得了一定的效果,但是对课程教学理念的理解还不到位,教学的实施者缺乏必要的经验和能力、实践课程教学设施也比较短缺,使得课堂教学过程中出现了形式化、低效化的现象。提升本课程课堂教学的有效性是深化本门课程改革的关键和根本要求。  相似文献   
149.
邓小平领导改革开放以支持农村家庭联产承包责任制为先导,废除人民公社和统购统销制度,使农村一步一步地从计划经济体制的束缚下走上国家协调的市场经济的康庄大道。江泽民领导建立社会主义市场经济体制,既是农村家庭联产承包责任制为先导的改革向城市发展的结果,又为深化农村改革提出了新的要求。建设社会主义新农村,是以胡锦涛为总书记的党中央在全面建设小康社会的背景下,对"三农"问题深刻认识的基础上作出的重大决策。  相似文献   
150.
我国夫妻共同债务推定规则是由婚姻法和司法解释的相关规定组成的,它从目的推定制逐渐发展为合意推定制、利益分享推定制。现行的夫妻共同债务推定规则从保护交易安全出发,注重对债权人利益的保护,非举债一方配偶的合法权益实际上受到了损害。婚姻法司法解释(三)征求意见稿对司法解释(二)的共同债务推定规则作出了一定程度的修正,但仍需有更为明确具体的规定。  相似文献   
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