清末宗室觉罗刑事诉讼中的检察厅职权

宣统二年(1910年)五月颁行的《宗室觉罗诉讼章程》明确规定了满清皇族的司法特权.因皇族特权的"入侵",原由《法院编制法》等赋予检察厅的多项具体职权受到了一定限制.由于检察厅是国家整体利益的代表,因此,仅为皇族利益而侵蚀、压制检察厅职权,这种制度设计是缺乏理性的.尽管消除皇族特权等司法不平等现象是一个长期的艰巨的任务,但在主张司法平等、司法透明的力量的作用下,皇族在刑事诉讼上的司法特权必然会被驱逐出历史舞台.     

Succession,power-sharing and the development of representative institutions in medieval Europe

Historians have documented that in medieval Europe, bargaining over the loyalty of lay magnates and high clergy was most intense during successions and that this often forced monarchs to give political concessions. We argue that matters related to succession predict short-term power-sharing concessions by rulers but that – because they do not permanently alter the balance of power between ruler and elite – they only trigger lasting changes of political institutions if these changes are in the mutual interest of the ruler and the elite groups. It follows that successions are unlikely to have long-term effects on representative institutions but that they may consolidate the rules regulating succession (the succession order). Using the natural deaths of monarchs as an instrument for successions, we confirm these claims with a new dataset that includes fine-grained data on succession and parliament-like assemblies in 16 European polities between 1000 and 1600. These findings shed new light on the development of representative institutions in medieval Europe, on the changes in succession orders that brought about clear rules about primogeniture and on the political leeway of legislatures in authoritarian regimes more generally.     

科举制对台湾社会的影响

科举制是中国历史上延续最久、影响最大的文官任用考试制度。尽管科举制有许多弊病,但却提供了底层社会精英经由读书进入官场的机会,在一定程度上扩大了封建王朝的统治基础,破除了原由豪门士族把持国家政权的局面,这对中国历代政治、经济、文化、教育与社会风气,产生了久远的影响。科举制是中华政治文化中重要的一环,曾对人类政治文明的演进做出过重要贡献。科举制直接催生了不论门第的士大夫阶级的形成,间接衍生了台湾自清朝中叶进入文治阶段。在现代社会,科举精神仍在一定程度上影响着台湾社会的发展。     

Like father,like son? Power and influence across two Gnassingbé presidencies in Togo

In personalized authoritarian systems, the death of a leader poses a serious challenge to regime survival. Togo, however, belongs to a small number of countries in which regime collapse has been avoided by the transfer of power to the deceased ruler’s son. But can the son simply pick up where the father left off? Combining a theoretically guided single case study with statistical network analysis, this article argues that hereditary succession involves both changes and continuities. While Gnassingbé Eyadema’s rule rested on repression, patronage, and a bizarre leadership cult, his son Faure Gnassingbé has partly adapted and reformulated these strategies. The quantitative part of the article is based on a novel data set that contains information on the biographical characteristics and interaction patterns of the deputies in the Togolese parliament. Using exponential random graph models (ERGMs), the article shows that people who have held important positions in the past or belong to the president’s ethnic group still play a significant role in the regime elite. The article not only presents detailed insights on a so far under-researched country, but also contributes to the wider literature by showing how mixed-method designs can further our understanding of authoritarian regimes.     

Dominant party cohesion in comparative perspective: evidence from South Africa and Namibia

Africa's proliferation of dominant-party regimes is often regarded as an obstacle to democratization. Scholars and practitioners therefore face the task of understanding how and why constitutionally legitimate challenges to dominant party rule occur. This article asks: why do some presidential succession crises act as a catalyst to dominant party fragmentation when others do not? It argues that minority factions are more likely to defect from a dominant party when they have (1) been marginalized by the majority faction and (2) confidence in their mobilizational capacity. Factional purging is in turn traced to autocratic leadership and party under-bureaucratization, whilst high levels of factional self-confidence are linked to crises of dominance and the weakness of extant opposition parties.     

“三个代表“重要思想与马克思主义一脉相承

“三个代表”思想是与马克思列宁主义、毛泽东思想和邓小平理论一脉相承的理论 ,它们都以唯物史观为理论基础 ;都视人民利益高于一切 ;都坚持解放思想、实事求是、弘扬与时俱进的精神。     

论配偶继承权的法律保护

配偶之间相互享有继承权,是各国继承法的普遍规定。配偶的继承地位显著提高是现代继承法的发展趋势,这种发展趋势体现了对配偶劳动的承认和继承权利的尊重。配偶享有继承权的基础在于生存配偶之间特定的身份关系和继承法权利义务上的一致性,以及社会对于丧偶者的人文关怀。     

The U.S. Global Strategy as Seen from the Debate in the Primary Election

There may be more than one year to go before the 2008 U.S. presidential election, but the primary election of the two parties has already begun ahead of time. Both the Democratic and Republican candidates for the     

清代贵州少数民族科举探析

本文的讨论对象为"清代贵州少数民族科举",涉及以下四个方面内容:一、政策的演变;二、学校教育的发展;三、公平的悖论;四、引发的社会问题。从清初的高度优待到后来的蔑视提防,充分反映出相关政策与政治形势的密切关系。民族地区学校教育获得了一定发展,但相对的公平与优待背后,民族考生面对着隐性的不公平,而引发的社会问题则充分反映出民族问题的复杂性。     

《公民权利和政治权利国际公约》适用于香港的法理依据

《香港特别行政区基本法》第39条规定,《公民权利和政治权利国际公约》适用于香港的规定继续有效。《公约》在香港继续适用的理论基础不是传统意义上的条约继承,也不是国际法上的禁止反言原则,而是"一国两制"理论在条约继承上的一种制度创新。《香港特别行政区基本法》在处理人权条约的继承方面既体现了国家主权、高度自治这一根本原则,又特别重视连续性原则和人权保护原则。