The Indigenous in the Plural in Bolivian Oppositional Politics

This article examines how currents of Bolivia's indigenous movement are gravitating to the city and to the centre of national political life, capitalising on popular sentiment against the political status quo, economic privatisation and violations of national sovereignty. The Movement Toward Socialism led by Evo Morales does not promote a separatist ethno-national project; instead, it uses regional, national and international coalition building to equate indigenous with non-indigenous issues through resonant political analogies that frame Bolivia's national crisis of political legitimacy in terms of indigenous rights, while making common cause with diverse urban popular sectors who, if not indigenous, recognise their indigenous cultural heritage as a crucial background to their own struggles against disenfranchisement.     

The 'Culture' of Exclusion: Representations of Indigenous Women Street Vendors in Tijuana, Mexico

Representations of indigenous women vendors are contrasted with the ways indigenous women see themselves. Some images are openly hostile, whereas others discriminate against these women through a form of paternalistic love. For example, the understanding of indigenous women as outsiders from different social spaces and deviants from middle-class gender norms suggests that they are 'undeserving poor' whose interests should not be considered. On the other hand, the concept of indigenous 'culture,' as defined and shaped by some non-Indian academics, has further marginalized Tijuana's indigenous migrants. While defending the right of indigenous migrants to use public spaces, academics have characterized manifestations of poverty as the traditions of this ethnic group.     

Chachawarmi: Rhetorics and Lived Realities

Latin America's turn away from neoliberalism and adoption of decolonising alternatives to development has been spearheaded—nowhere more so than Bolivia—by indigenous movements. The gender ideology of chachawarmi is part of this decolonisation programme, but has been criticised for disguising gendered exploitation. These tensions are explored by looking at, in Escobar's words, ‘the concrete struggles within particular communities’. Based on long‐term research in rural Bolivia, this article situates the chachawarmi ideal in the multiple influences on the recreation of gender identities, and considers the complex ways in which chachawarmi as mobilised politically may influence gendered power.     

Indigenous peoples and non-ferrous metals mining in the Philippines

Abstract

The Philippines is a developing country well endowed with mineral resources. In recent years, the government has made substantial efforts to encourage the exploitation of these resources. This mining-based development paradigm has come into conflict with the indigenous peoples of this nation. This conflict has entailed disputes between the mining industry and indigenous peoples about the validity of the Philippines indigenous peoples rights legislation and alleged human rights abuses on the behalf of the mining industry. The Philippines strong civil society has assisted the indigenous peoples in regard to this conflict. Possible solutions to this conflict are examined.     

Indigenous Peasant ‘Otherness’: Rural Identities and Political Processes in Bolivia

Since Morales's election, rural movements have become the new protagonists of Bolivian politics. Previous analyses have emphasised their active role in shaping national politics, often focusing on those organisations as a compact block. However, their relationship is marked by both cooperation and fragmentation. This article provides a narrative of Bolivian socio‐political history over the last 60 years, establishing four main phases of identitarian articulations/disarticulations. It demonstrates the high degree of interdependence and fluidity of ethnic and class identities, as well as their interconnections with the broader socio‐political context and the national legal and institutional changes.     

Legitimacy,citizenship and state redress

This article explores how state redress programmes work to legitimate the state. The primary thesis concerns how state redress aims to restructure citizenship identity. This restructuring enables civic identification by victims of state wrongdoing which in turn enables greater legitimacy. Consequently, redress constitutes a movement by the state from lesser to greater legitimacy. The article illustrates the legitimating thesis by examining two Canadian responses to state wrongdoing with regard to indigenous peoples, Gathering Strength (1998) and the Indian Residential Schools Settlement Agreement (Indian Residential Schools Adjudication Secretariat). This context provides material for contrasting the legitimating thesis with a competing approach – redress as ‘therapy’.     

Evaluation of 12 Y-chromosome STR loci in Western Mediterranean populations

With the aim to establish a Y-STR haplotype database, a total of 554 males from seven Western Mediterranean populations were genotyped for the 12 Y-chromosome STR loci (minimal haplotype extended by loci DYS437, DYS438 and DYS439) included in the Powerplex Y System (Promega).Among the 554 males analyzed, 443 different haplotypes were obtained, of which 372 were unique. The other haplotypes were shared by two to seven men. The two most frequent haplotypes were both found in seven Ibiza men. A remarkable haplotype diversity of 0.9988 ± 0.0002 was observed.The haplotypes were searched against the Y-haplotype reference database (YHRD) and 149 haplotypes matched to at least one YHRD sample.     

自主创新与知识产权保护——基于江苏软件产业的研究

软件业的自主创新具有重要的战略意义,而要自主创新,就必须加强软件知识产权的保护。二者存在双向互动关系:一方面,知识产权制度为自主创新提供了动力和基础;另一方面,自主创新构成知识产权保护制度的核心目标,对社会形成尊重、保护知识产权的氛围,促进相关制度的完善有着重要的作用。江苏软件业已具有一定规模,目前在知识产权保护强度、行业创新能力方面虽居全国前列,但与发达地区相比仍存在较大差距;典型企业知识产权管理和运用状况整体上也不容乐观。综合分析来看,江苏软件业具备了进入更高水平自主创新和知识产权保护阶段的条件,理应采取相应措施促其迈进。     

On the creation of indigenous subjects in the Russian Federation

For many of Russia's poorest people, and especially for the officially recognized ‘indigenous small-numbered peoples’, neoliberal reforms following the collapse of the Soviet Union represented a major retrenchment in ‘social citizenship’ as defined by T.H. Marshall. However, some reforms also promised increased civil, political and cultural citizenship rights, which Russia's indigenous peoples have sought to realize through new legislation and appeals to international agreements regarding the rights of indigenous peoples. But with Russia's current economic and political course geared towards maximizing revenues from the extraction and sale of natural resources, Russia's indigenous peoples have been frustrated in their efforts to realize these citizenship rights, particularly in their attempts to assert rights to land and resources through legal means. This paper draws on case studies from southern Siberia to discuss first how Russia's identity politics and an international focus on indigenous peoples have combined to create indigenous subjects in the Russian Federation, and second how the anticipated transition from indigenous subjects to indigenous citizens has for the most part failed to materialize.     

Indigenous Local Governments for Palestine: A Roadmap for Replacing Imposed Institutions to Build Stability and Confidence

Occupying empires and states and expatriates have imposed structures of local government in the West Bank and Gaza. As a result, Palestinians have little confidence in the existing units of local government. That lack of confidence inhibits the development of a civil society. Proposed reforms must understand the history and actions that minimized opportunities for participation and the professionalism of bureaucracies that could produce and deliver the public services needed to sustain economic and social development. Establishing a stable civil state will require bureaucratic reforms anchored in theory and an understanding of the unique past that has left more than four million residents of Palestine without the public services needed for economic and social development. All parties to a resolution of the conflicts between Israel and Palestine and between Palestinians must help build new local structures of local government; the recommended steps presented here are grounded in theroy and histroy and also based on empirical research.