"德性"在民警执法中的效能

“德性”是民警执法过程中的心理基础,具有实现主体心灵秩序和社会人伦秩序的效能,不但能使民警在执法中趋向社会价值目标而调整自己的行为,而且对社会大众具有感召力。因此,在新形势下要努力探讨民警“德性”养成的有效途径。     

新现实主义视野下的东亚地区主义发展路径

作为主流的国际关系理论,新现实主义也被运用于地区层面,成为很多国内外学者阐释东亚地区主义的主要理论范式之一。在新现实主义者看来,东亚国家对于均势体系或结构的追逐由来已久,无论是东盟的成立,大国平衡战略的实践,还是由于中国崛起而引发的"中国威胁论"以及中日之间的矛盾和竞争等都彰显了东亚地区结构的不断变动,显示出东亚地区国家间追逐权力平衡的过程。     

领导干部提高情商“六步曲”

情商做为调节管理自己情绪和人际情绪的能力,对个人的影响重大,对领导干部的作用更为突出。情商是领导干部提升个人影响力的重要途径,是领导干部化解矛盾纠纷的重要法宝,也是领导干部维系个人身心健康的重要基础。提高领导干部情商有"六步曲",即知情、解情、调情、识情、移情和传情。     

Is Bigger Better? Activity and Success in Negotiations in the United Nations General Assembly

Theorists often claim that being bigger than one's counterparts offers advantages in multilateral negotiations. In this article, I examine that argument using data from negotiations in the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA). The article analyzes and compares the activity levels of smaller and larger states in international negotiations, and sheds light on the conditions under which the latter “punch below their weight.” My analysis indicates that size directly affects participation, but not success rates. Bigger states can better formulate national positions on a broad range of issues, enabling their diplomats to more actively participate in negotiations, while smaller states are absent more often. Activity is conducive to success, which helps bigger states. But not every negotiation strategy is equally effective. In the UNGA's one‐state, one‐vote context, bigger states are not able to systematically exert disproportionate influence despite their often superior financial resources and bargaining strategies.     

行政学院学报竞争力与影响力研究

行政学院学报经过多年不懈努力,其竞争力与影响力取得了长足发展,产生了良好的社会效益与经济效益,但与其他专业学报相比还有很大的提升空间。学院及学科、学术编辑及学报编辑部、学术及学术成果的竞争力与影响力是学报竞争力与影响力的重要组成因素。突出舆论导向,在学术氛围上下工夫;突出学科特色,在行政管理上下工夫;突出科研特色,在成果转化上下工夫;突出学者特色,在学术质量上下工夫;突出学院特色,在窗口作用上下工夫;突出编辑特色,在文稿取舍上下工夫是学报提升竞争力与影响力的着力点。行政学院学报竞争力与影响力具有持续性、时空性和指向性特征。     

Democracy in crisis? The declining support for national democracy in European countries, 2007–2011

The Great Recession that started in 2007/2008 has been the worst economic downturn since the crisis of the 1930s in Europe. It led to a major sovereign debt crisis, which is arguably the biggest challenge for the European Union (EU) and its common currency. Not since the 1950s have advanced democracies experienced such a dramatic external imposition of austerity and structural reform policies through inter‐ or supranational organisations such as the EU and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) or as implicitly requested by international financial markets. Did this massive interference with the room for maneuver of parliaments and governments in many countries erode support for national democracy in the crisis since 2007? Did citizens realise that their national democratic institutions were no longer able to effectively decide on major economic and social policies, on economic and welfare state institutions? And did they react by concluding that this constrained democracy no longer merited further support? These are the questions guiding this article, which compares 26 EU countries in 2007–2011 and re‐analyses 78 national surveys. Aggregate data from these surveys is analysed in a time‐series cross‐section design to examine changes in democratic support at the country level. The hypotheses also are tested at the individual level by estimating a series of cross‐classified multilevel logistic regression models. Support for national democracy – operationalised as satisfaction with the way democracy works and as trust in parliament – declined dramatically during the crisis. This was caused both by international organisations and markets interfering with national democratic procedures and by the deteriorating situation of the national economy as perceived by individual citizens.     

科技全球化及其对中国社会发展的影响

在全球化的趋势下 ,科技问题的全球化、科技活动的全球化以及科技影响的全球化构成了科技全球化浪潮的主旋律。随着科技全球化的日益彰显 ,其对中国的科技、经济、文化、安全以及人才争夺等产生了或正在产生深远的影响。     

儒学在贵州民族地区古代社会的传播与影响

儒学在中华民族发展史上产生了深远的历史影响。在贵州这样一个多民族地区，儒学从汉代开始传播，并不断发展，使贵州有识之士能学习儒学、宣传儒学，促进了贵州各民族文化的发展，丰富了祖国的文化宝库。     

How to study ideas in politics and ‘influence’: a typology

The influence that ideas have (or do not have) in political life is widely regarded as a problematic issue – across many fields of study. Reservations about the possibilities for assessing ideas' influence can be shown to differ, however, in quite revealing ways. Apprehension rests neither on a single, shared reservation, nor even on a core set of reservations. Moreover, many of the reservations lack cogency. A more useful way of addressing the ‘influence-problem’ is by employing a typology. This typology would seek to capture the full range of modes in which influence might be exercised. The article therefore proposes one, as a heuristic framework for investigation and analysis, with the intention that it might be applied to the study of ‘real-world’ cases.     

The Coevolution of Networks and Political Attitudes

How do attitudes and social affiliations coevolve? A long stream of research has focused on the relationship between attitudes and social affiliations. However, in most of this research the causal relationship between views and affiliations is difficult to discern definitively: Do people influence each other's views so that they converge over time or do they primarily affiliate (by choice or happenstance) with those of similar views? Here we use longitudinal attitudinal and whole network data collected at critical times (notably, at the inception of the system) to identify robustly the determinants of attitudes and affiliations. We find significant conformity tendencies: Individuals shift their political views toward the political views of their associates. This conformity is driven by social ties rather than task ties. We also find that political views are notably unimportant as a driver for the formation of relationships.