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61.
This article investigates the determinants of parliamentary support for international fiscal aid. Departing from the literature on presidential systems, it analyses an exemplary case of a parliamentary system, Germany. Two theoretical accounts are distinguished. The first perceives MPs as policy-seekers and focuses on the positioning of government and opposition parties and individual MPs on an economic left?right and a pro- versus anti-EU dimension. The second regards MPs as vote-seekers and presumes an electoral district connection. The statistical analysis of a new data-set containing information on 17 Bundestag roll-call votes from 2009 to 2015 finds support for the first account: voting in favour of fiscal aid measures is mainly driven by government membership and EU support. By contrast, neither economic ideologies, nor district or mandate characteristics influence support for fiscal aid. The article contributes to a growing literature on the domestic politics of international political economy. 相似文献
62.
Raul Toomla 《Space and Polity》2016,20(3):330-345
Although being considered illegal entities and largely ignored, de facto states have received some extent of acceptance such as foreign representations short of embassies located in their capitals. This paper examines the conditions which lead to this informal engagement measured by the number of foreign representations to the contested states. We study the position of non-recognised states in the international system and the factors that condition this position. Using fuzzy-set Qualitative Comparative Analysis, this paper establishes sufficient and/or necessary conditions that lead to more informal diplomacy between established states and their non-recognised counterparts using data from eight cases. 相似文献
63.
Jiyoun Park 《Asian Politics & Policy》2016,8(4):559-574
This article aims to identify aid discourses as applied to the North Korean case, and examines whether or not international assistance has been promptly delivered. The aid discourse on fragile states in accordance with the New Deal, which focuses on strengthening a recipient country's foundation of development by alleviating its fragility, is deemed to be the relevant discourse because the international community considers North Korea to be a fragile state. However, the corresponding norms have not been applied by major international donors in the delivery and disbursement of aid to North Korea, despite its fragile state status and in spite of the fact that its fragility has not declined and is still perceived to be critical. 相似文献
64.
Zhiyun Liu 《Frontiers of Law in China》2011,6(3):496-523
From the origin, there has been a strong connection between international relations and international law. In the development of the history of different academic subjects, the research on international relations and international law are interdependently promoting each other. As a result, the realization of interdisciplinary research on international legal theory and the study of international law is inevitable. As a matter of fact, even though the interdisciplinary research of the two subjects has been separated for almost half a century, the need for the development of the subject and the changing world political and economical status give them a new chance for reunification. Recently, the interdisciplinary research on international relations theory and international law by the Western academic is becoming the order of the day, which has become the latest shining point of the recent development of the two subjects, which is even regarded as the new revolution of international relations theory and the study of international law. In this context, the past ten years is a period of emergence of Chinese international relations and the interdisciplinary research of international law. In the past ten years, some scholars have overcome “the difficulty of interdisciplinary research,” “the prejudice within the subject” and “the gap among different subjects,” and made pioneering research in the field of “systematic connection” and “issues in overlapping field.” Moreover, they gradually make the interdisciplinary research to be a popular method and a common recognition. Based on the current studies, interdisciplinary research will have a broad future in the fields such as “the interchange of concepts,” “the exchange of method,” and “the mutual assistance of materials,” which will provide scholars in this area with a broad space for research. 相似文献
65.
美国强大的原因可以从势、道、制、术、器与士(即国际格局与国际力量对比、美国的意识形态与核心价值体系、政治经济与社会制度、科技与战略政策制定、经济与军事硬实力、人才培养与储备机制等方面)进行分析。由于新兴国家崛起,美国单极体系已经终结,美国霸权相对削弱,但是美国仍将在相当长的一段时间之内维持“一超”的地位。从劳动生产率、基础科研实力及研发投入、高等教育体系、外资投资环境、人口结构以及新兴产业等因素考察,美国经济长远来看仍具有较大的相对优势。未来美国霸权依然存在,美国二战后所确立的以“结构自由主义”为特征的国际秩序是美国霸权能够持久的最重要的基础,也是二战后西方国家之间的关系能够超越“零和”博弈格局的重要原因。美国对华战略并非遏制,而是“对冲/两面下注”。中美之间存在超越历史上传统大国“零和”博弈的可能,中国领导人提出建立中美新型大国关系的建议反映了这种战略远见。 相似文献
66.
Power shifts and especially power transitions in the international system areoften associated with (military) confl ict. Power Transition Theory (PTT) does offer ananalysis of this phenomenon but no remedy. We suggest easing the tensions related toongoing worldwide power shifts by introducing a new informal multilateral securitygovernance institution, based on the idea of a concert of powers. The historical EuropeanConcert of the 19th century prevented the outbreak of great power wars for more than ageneration by providing a cooperation framework, based on shared norms and commonprocedures. In this article we explore the possibility of utilizing a modernized concertof powers as a framework for managing the coming power shifts. In order to do so, weintroduce two new elements in Power Transition Theory: (1) the importance of the (dis)satisfaction of the declining hegemon with the anticipated future order, and (2) a broadermultilateral framework of major powers that overcomes the Power Transition Theory’straditional bilateral “duel” situation. On this basis, institutionalized power transitionmanagement becomes possible. We then work out the norms, strengths and weaknessesof the historical concert and update it with a few new features that would be necessaryfor it to be successful in the 21st century. 相似文献
67.
This article explores the teaching and learning challenges for the discipline of international studies (IS) that arise from the contemporary social, economic, and political changes usually labeled "globalization." The focus is upon the challenge posed to IS by a transformation in the nature of the relationship of teachers and students to the subject matter that they study: that is, teachers and students increasingly experience and contribute to globalization in the course of their daily lives as they simultaneously teach and learn about it. Significantly for the study of globalization in IS, pedagogical debates surrounding active teaching and learning highlight the potential for strategies that actively engage students' interests and everyday experiences with the subject itself. On this basis, the article outlines some potential routes into the active teaching and learning of globalization in the field of international political economy, illustrating these with examples from classroom activities and exercises. 相似文献
68.
牟笛 《贵州警官职业学院学报》2007,19(4):72-75
由于美国法典28卷1404(a)条款的立法规定在功能与措辞上均非常类似普通法上的非方便法院原则,因此很多学者误以为该立法规定与非方便法院原则之间并不存在实质性的差异。然而,这一看法并不正确。事实上,1404(a)条款立法在法律效果、证明标准以及具体适用方面均与非方便法院原则存在显著的区别。 相似文献
69.
哈贝马斯的沟通行动理论是一种社会批判理论,属于德国法兰克福学派,其理论基于人类解放的认知旨趣,蕴含着丰富的人文传统。20世纪90年代以来,从国际关系批判理论中产生了不仅注重批判,更加注重建设的建构主义理论。应用沟通行动理论研究国际关系成为欧洲建构主义的特色,这种以理解具体行动意义为目的的阐释学方法不同于美国建构主义对行为的实证研究。沟通行动的应用研究解决了结构与行为体互构机制的难题,避免了建构主义经验研究中的结构偏向,使行为体的施动性重回研究视野,奠定了规范内化的微观基础,从而回归了建构主义的实践本体论。国际文化的制度化,国际制度的合法化以及国家的社会化都离不开国家间的沟通行动。另外,国际关系中公共领域和生活世界的存在也使得国家间沟通行动成为可能。但是,虽然沟通行动理论在国际关系中的应用研究在某种程度上实现了科学传统与人文精神的融合,但是对于国际体系中的突现现象,仍无法予以有力的解释,这也显示了沟通行动理论应用研究的局限性。 相似文献
70.
李云昭 《云南警官学院学报》2003,(2):32-35
毒品对我国“多头入境、全线渗透” ,吸毒人员增加 ,大宗贩毒增多 ,涉毒区域扩大 ,并呈现出一些新的特点。面对毒品对我国危害有增无减的形势 ,继续很抓以云南为重点的堵源截流工作 ,严厉打击毒品犯罪活动 ,遏制毒品的流入和蔓延 ,加强跨境替代种植的国际合作 ,积极探索禁吸戒毒工作的新途径 ,是禁毒工作面临新挑战仍需加强的“新对策”。 相似文献