论丝绸之路经济带“五通”的法治建设

构建和优化共建丝绸之路经济带的“五通”法治环境,应重点加强政策沟通机制领域的法治建设,保障合作取得“最大公约数”;促进道路联通法治建设,确保陆海大道通衢联八方;优化经贸合作法律制度设计,打造拓展彼此市场的“金钥匙”;健全金融合作法律制度,为合作各方发展注入“金融活水”;完善人员流动和文化交流法治,健全“心相知、民相亲”的法治保障机制,积极为丝绸之路经济带高效可持续共建提供健全的法治保障和体制机制支撑。     

中华老字号知识产权的国际保护

中华老字号知识产权法律保护不足,没有及时对商标进行国际注册,导致被恶意抢注。保持与国际接轨制定专门的商号权法律规范;密切关注国外商标公告,积极获取商标在海外的注册;建立驰名字号的特殊保护机制,提供最有利的法律保护;明确字号在先权,探求解决商标权和字号权冲突的途径;扩大反不正当竞争的规制范围;重点增加刑事责任,加大刑罚打击力度。     

《联合国反腐败公约》视角下的国际商业贿赂犯罪

国际商业贿赂犯罪不是一种独立的犯罪形式,而是指发生在国际经济交往过程中各种贿赂形式,包括了《联合国反腐败公约》规定的三种类型的贿赂犯罪.该公约较为全面地规范了国际商业贸易中的贿赂犯罪,构成了全球性反腐败规范性法律文件的基本内容.我国应该以参加或签署的有关国际反腐公约为基本依据,借鉴世界各国反腐败的经验和做法,结合我国的实际情况,对刑法中有关贿赂犯罪的法律条文进行修订.     

我国对外行贿犯罪与《联合国反腐败公约》的比较与反思

《刑法修正案（八）》中规定了对外国公职人员、国际公共组织官员行贿罪。其中对此罪罪状的描述是以《联合国反腐败公约》对贿赂犯罪的规定为蓝本的,进行两个法律文本的比较,有助于完善本罪在我国的执行。     

论中国海外公民与企业免受袭击的执法保护

保护海外公民和企业安全越来越成为执法为民的主要体现。公安机关在促进海外公民与企业安全的过程中,日渐重视海外频遭袭击案件的执法合作效率与能力。只有公民与企业的利益在全球的任何角落得到安全的保证,才能算是中国执法合作职能的完整体现。中国公民与企业在海外所遇到的安全威胁度在逐渐显现。从公安机关执法合作的角度构建应对措施,是新的历史时期实现功能转型的必然。     

“国际路线”影响下的中国革命道路——以毛泽东、方志敏的探索为中心

自土地革命以来,以毛泽东、方志敏等为代表的中国共产党人就对中国革命道路进行了思考和探索。通过中央与地方的良性互动,他们的探索得到总结、提炼。但受六届四中全会后“国际路线”全面贯彻的影响,不仅打破了中央与地方的良性互动,也冲击了中国革命道路的探索进程。在这一背景下,毛泽东、方志敏等共产党人在对“国际路线”给予不同程度抵制的同时,也对中国革命道路进行了坚持与反思。他们的努力特别是之后通过正反两方面的比较,逐渐确立了对中国特色革命道路的正确选择。     

Economic Sanctions and the Politics of IMF Lending

What effect do economic sanctions have on the IMF lending decisions? Though countries under economic sanctions often face significant economic and financial difficulties, no comprehensive research to date has explored whether the IMF as a de facto lender of last resort intervenes in those countries in need. We posit that economic coercion is likely to hinder the target’s access to IMF credits as sanctioning (sender) countries are likely to use their political influence in the IMF to deny funds to the destabilized target economies. To assess the empirical merits of the hypothesis, we combine data on the IMF lending with the economic sanctions data for 120 emerging market economies from 1975 to 2005. Results indicate that target countries are less likely to receive IMF funds, especially when under sanctions by the United States and international institutions. Our findings contradict the conventional wisdom that the IMF is tasked with providing lifelines to member governments in need of help to ease their short-term balance of payment problems. Further, as much as IMF loans can be used as positive inducements to acquire a country’s strategic cooperation, we show that they might also be used by sender countries as a punishment tool against target countries to amplify the impact of sanctions regimes.     

Eugene: A conceptual manual

The study of international relations using quantitative analysis relies, in part, on the availability of comprehensive and easily manipulable data sets. To execute large‐n statistical tests of hypotheses, data must be available on the variables of interest, and those data must be manipulated into a suitable format to allow the inclusion of appropriate control variables as well as variables of central theoretical interest This paper introduces software designed to eliminate many of the difficulties commonly involved in constructing large international relations data sets, and with the unavailability of data on expected utility theories of war.

In order to solve these two problems, we developed EUGene (the Expected Utility Generation and Data Management Program). EUGene is a stand‐alone Microsoft Windows based program for the construction of annual data sets for use in quantitative studies of international relations. It generates data for variables necessary to incorporate key variables from implementations of the so‐called “expected utility theory of war” into broader analyses of international conflict EUGene is also designed to make building international relations data sets simple. It accomplishes this by automating a variety of tasks necessary to integrate several data building blocks commonly used in tests of international relations theories.     

Satisfaction,Alternatives, Investments,and the Microfoundations of Audience Cost Models

In this paper, we suggest that the Investment Model of Commitment, developed in social psychology, offers a solution to an important microfoundational issue in audience cost theory. Audience cost models are useful for thinking about the foreign policy behaviors of democratic and nondemocratic states. However, they often assume that citizens reliably penalize leaders who break their foreign policy promises even though the empirical record suggests this is not always the case. We argue that public commitment to foreign policy assets and relationships is a precondition for the application of audience costs. Using the UN and NATO as case studies, we hypothesize that the commitments people develop to international organizations emerge as a function of (1) their satisfaction with the performance of the organization, (2) the investments in those organizations, and (3) an assessment of the alternatives to these associations. Correlational and experimental tests of the model confirm that the strongest individual-level commitments arise when people are highly satisfied with the performance of specific institutions, believe that much has been invested in support of them, and perceive that the alternatives to particular institutions are poor. Implications for the development of audience cost theory are discussed.     

Negotiating Military Alliances: Legal Systems and Alliance Formation

Do domestic legal systems affect states' propensity to form military alliances? This article, building upon the existing research in international relations, adopts a socio-legal approach to understanding international treaty making. By focusing on the essence of international negotiations—communication between states' representatives—I argue that negotiating parties who share a common legal language have a common a priori understanding concerning concepts under discussion. Domestic laws operating within states impact the process of creation of international law embodied in treaties. Empirical analyses show that states with similar legal systems are more likely to form military alliances with one another. Additionally, domestic legal systems influence the way that states design their alliance commitments. In general, my findings suggest that the influence of domestic laws does not stop at “the water's edge.” It permeates the interstate borders and impacts the relations between states, especially the treaty negotiating and drafting process. International negotiators bring their legal backgrounds to the negotiating table, which influences both their willingness to sign treaties and the design of the resulting agreements.