现代官僚制的经济性和工具性——马克斯·韦伯的现代官僚制理论及启示

对现代官僚制作全面深刻的理解,有赖于对其理论的奠基人马克斯·韦伯之理论文本的深入剖析。本文通过对马克斯·韦伯现代官僚制理论的梳理后认为,经济性是现代官僚制兴起的原因,工具性则是官僚制的本质,这种本质又直接导致了现代官僚制的自我权力化并产生了政治与行政之争,而制度之下的人也随之被工具化。现代官僚制在创造了惊人的管理效率的同时,也产生了大量的问题。如何在现代官僚制下实现“人是目的”这一主题,则是马克斯·韦伯理论的永久命题。     

From Hardship to Glory

正the Xinjiang production and Construction Corps celebrates its 60th anniversary By pan Xiaoqiaolu Liping,a 55-year-old farmer living in the suburbs of Shihezi,northwest China’s xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region,has been operating his family     

“新三反”运动的历史回顾与启示

新三反运动是我党继“三反”运动之后的一次重要的政治运动，其重点是反对官僚主义。肃清命令主义和违法乱纪现象，将反官僚主义斗争引向深入，是新三反运动发生的重要原因。新三反运动本着密切联系实际工作、坚持实事求是与和平的原则，严厉惩治官僚主义者，使广大党员干部的工作作风有了显著的转变。新三反运动为我党现阶段加强党风廉政建设提供了很多有益的历史借鉴，尤其是通过群众来信打击官僚主义至今仍具有较强的现实指导意义。     

性骚扰是性别歧视吗:一个法理的追问

在美国的法律制度框架下,职场性骚扰属于1964年《民权法案》第七章所禁止的性别歧视行为。从规范法学的角度看,法院一开始并不接受性别歧视学说,后来因为逐步认定了性骚扰必然会涉及对受害人性别的选择这一事实,所以认为性骚扰属于性别歧视范畴。从法理学的角度,以麦金农等为代表的女性主义法学家建构了性与性别霸权的关系。同时,学者们认为司法上性骚扰的认定出现了"性欲主导模式",既存在规制过窄的问题,对无关乎"性"的性别骚扰过于忽视;又有规制过度的问题,反性骚扰话语与科层制反"性"管理话语相结合,对职场进行了过度管制。因此,有一种学说希望把性骚扰建构为维持性别刻板的工具。对于性骚扰到底错在哪里的追问,可以让我们反思侵权法模式与反歧视模式法的利弊得失。     

“用科层反对科层”:河长制的运作逻辑、内在张力与制度韧性——基于上海市秦镇的实证分析

通过“用科层反对科层”的方式打破原科层制组织存在的平级协调困境,从而解决河道治理的低效甚至无效问题,是基层政府在治理水环境问题时所采用的主要措施。在此治理过程中,科层组织内的平级协调关系被层级压力关系所取代,从而形成了水环境治理体系的高效运转。但重构的科层治理体系也形成了新的内在张力,即“块”的协调手段缺失、“条”的工作积极性衰减和基层社区工作的碎片化等。重构之后的水环境治理体系在将平级协调矛盾转换为层级治理压力时,也将治理任务转移到了科层体制之外,从而维持了科层体系的运作,形成了一定的制度韧性。     

周恩来反对官僚主义思想简论

官僚主义是我们党执政兴国的大敌。周恩来同志对官僚主义一贯深恶痛绝,并形成了丰富的重要论断：官僚主义表现论;官僚主义危害论;官僚主义根源论;官僚主义消除论。     

转型期我国行政组织模式的塑造——对企业化政府的冷思考

理性官僚制在今天受到了前所未有的挑战,许多学者推崇企业化政府理论。借鉴新公共管理的经验,超越传统官僚制,建构现代官僚制,才是转型期我国行政组织模式塑造的理性选择。     

From ‘Judicial Mind’ to ‘Democratic Soul’: Law and Politics on the Bureaucratic Frontline

This article considers the relationship between law and democratic politics as manifest in the practice of ‘street‐level bureaucracy’. By glancing back to debates about citizenship and public administration between the two world wars, it sets contemporary concerns about the political constitution in broader context. In doing so, it discloses a fundamental division between conceptions of the state derived from Roman jurisprudence on the one hand, and ancient Athenian political practice on the other. It finds in the tragic dilemmas posed for street‐level bureaucrats—by the competing claims on their values—a test of individual moral agency and of democracy as the management of diversity. It concludes that what is at stake in our estimation of street‐level bureaucracy is not so much the purity of the ‘judicial mind’ as the complexity of the ‘democratic soul’ and the ‘connected society’.     

Change Agents or Cogs in the Machine? Female Managers and Unofficial Gender Equality in Federal Agencies

This article combines administrative personnel data with survey data to examine whether increases in female representation among the managerial ranks of federal agencies are associated with increases in unofficial gender equality in those agencies. Specifically, female representation at multiple levels of agencies’ personnel hierarchies are measured so as to examine whether these measures are associated with increases in lower-level female and male employees’ subjective experiences of power, status, and opportunity. The results indicate that female representation among the SES has salutary effects on General Schedule (GS) level 7–12 and General Schedule level 13–15 females. Additionally, the results suggest that female representation among GS 13–15 supervisors has salutary effects on GS 7–12 females. Finally, the results suggest that top-level female representation has negative effects on GS 7–12 males. These findings speak to the ongoing theoretical debate concerning female managers’ ability and willingness to bring about equality-inducing change in their organizations. They also speak to the question of whether a representative bureaucracy has unfavorable distributional consequences for members of nonminority groups.