社会科学是否遗忘了“正当”问题——评列奥·斯特劳斯的《自然权利与历史》

德国历史主义主导的社会科学,遗忘了对"正当"问题的思考,因而对当代社会的虚无主义与道德沦丧负有不可推卸的责任,这是列奥.斯特劳斯批判社会科学的基本立场。这篇文章试图检讨这种批判的得失,并认为社会科学,就其本义而言,恰恰是通过"倒置"自然法学说的推理逻辑,为个人的自我治理与社会秩序的建设提供知性的支持。社会科学是作为科学,而不是作为意识形态的道德褒贬,来承当"应然"与"实然"之间的中间桥梁的任务。     

论普罗提诺与奥古斯丁的时间观

本文讨论现代性时间意识的古代根源,将其追溯到普罗提诺和奥古斯丁.正是这两位思想家形成了现代思想所秉承的主体时间意识.本文指出,普罗提诺和奥古斯丁尽管都讨论时间,却是出于不同的考虑.普罗提诺是第一个讨论时间内意识的思想家,然而他的目的是解构时间观念对于灵魂的羁绊;奥古斯丁紧承普罗提诺,在论述上也模仿普罗提诺,但他认为时间的主体性必然导致存在问题的重新理解,时间与存在无法分离.如果说普罗提诺试图透过讨论时间以拯救古典的理念世界,那么奥古斯丁却从普罗提诺的讨论里看到哲学主要是柏拉图哲学拯救现象的不可能性.     

治安学术研究的现实与前瞻范畴——在全国第五届治安学学术研讨会开幕式上的发言

学术研究的Identity（自性）来源于真正独有的研究对象和范畴、足够量的原创性研究及真正深厚、独特的学术积淀，治安学术课题应当源自最现实的和最真实的时代发展，源自既蓬勃发展、充满希望又夹着各样社会倾斜、矛盾、风险、变异的中国社会。     

论债权人代位诉讼的诉讼标的

我国代位权制度对“入库规则”的放弃,对我国债权人代位诉讼的诉讼标的影响极大,现有的“一 诉讼标的说”和“二诉讼标的说”均难成立,应当采纳新诉讼标的理论和“争点效”理论来解决其诉 讼标的和判决拘束力问题,即债权人代位诉讼的诉讼标的是债权人提出的要求次债务人履行债 务的诉讼请求,而作为基础法律关系的债权人与债务人之间、债务人与次债务人之间的债权债务 关系,则因判决的争点效而具有约束力。     

英译词条再推敲

《汉英双语现代汉语词典》(2002年增补本)的面世,无论是对以中文学英文,还是以英文学中文的人而言,或日对中国与英语国家之间文化交流,无疑是件大好事。但通读《新记号新义》部分后,本文作者认为,由于种种原因,其中一些词条的英译出现了不同程度的瑕疵,因而有碍其预期效果的实现。现成文一述己见,同时旨在引起有关方面对此予以关注。     

关于农村养老问题的思考

本文从分析当前农村老人的基本特征及其变化发展趋势出发,从社会心理、文化根基的变迁以及经济状况的变化等,探讨了农村养老问题,并分析农村现有的两种主要养老模式--“家庭养老“和“社会养老“模式所面临的困难,提出了新的养老模式--“老年集体自养模式“,并论证了其可行性和现实意义.     

网络道德问题成因探析

随着网络技术的迅猛发展以及网络应用的逐渐普及,网络道德问题正日益凸现.探寻网络道德问题的成因是解决网络道德问题的前提和关键.本文将从五个方面对网络道德问题的成因进行分析和阐释.     

The North Korean abduction issue: emotions,securitisation and the reconstruction of Japanese identity from ‘aggressor’ to ‘victim’ and from ‘pacifist’ to ‘normal’

Abstract

After Kim Jong-il's confession in 2002 that North Korean agents had abducted thirteen Japanese citizens in the 1970s and 1980s, North Korea has become the most detested country in Japan, and the normalisation of bilateral relations has been put on the back burner. The abduction issue has taken precedence in Japan even over North Korea's development of nuclear weapons and long-range missiles. It has also grossly overshadowed the atrocities for which Imperial Japan was responsible in the 20th century. Why has there been such strong emphasis on an issue that could be disregarded as comparatively ‘less important’? This article understands the ascendency of the abduction issue as the epitome of an identity shift under way in Japan – from the identity of a curiously ‘peaceful’ and inherently ‘abnormal’ state, to that of a more ‘normal’ one. The differentiation of North Korea as ‘abnormal’ emphasises Japan's own (claim to) ‘normality’. Indeed, by incarnating the perils of Japan's own ‘pacifist’ ‘abnormality’, which has been so central to the collective sense of Japanese ‘Self’ in the post-war period, the abduction issue has become a very emotional argument for Japan's ‘normalisation’ in security and defence terms. The transformation from ‘abnormal’ to ‘normal’ is further enabled by Japan trading places with North Korea in the discourse, so that Japan is defined as ‘victim’ (rather than former aggressor) and North Korea as ‘aggressor’ (rather than former victim). What is at stake here is the question whether Japan is ‘normalising’ or ‘remilitarising’, and the role of the abduction issue discourse in enabling such foreign and security policy change.     

Voter polarisation and party responsiveness: Why parties emphasise divided issues,but remain silent on unified issues

How does voter polarisation affect party responsiveness? Previous research has shown that political parties emphasise political issues that are important to their voters. However, it is posited in this article that political parties are not equally responsive to citizen demands across all issue areas. The hypothesis is that party responsiveness varies considerably with the preference configuration of the electorate. More specifically, it is argued that party responsiveness increases with the polarisation of issues among voters. To test these theoretical expectations, party responsiveness is analysed across nine West European countries from 1982 until 2013. Data on voter attention and voter preferences with regard to specific policy issues from a variety of national election studies is combined with Comparative Manifestos Project data on parties' emphasis of these issues in their election manifestos. The findings have major implications for understanding party competition and political representation in Europe.     

For fear of popular politics? Public attention and the delegation of authority to the United States executive branch

Legislators are thought to delegate policymaking authority to administrative actors either to avoid blame for controversial policy or to secure policy outcomes. This study tests these competing perspectives and establishes that public attention to policymaking is a powerful predictor of the extent to which significant United States statutes delegate authority to the executive branch. Consistent with the policy‐concerns perspective, by one calculation statutes dealing with high‐attention issues entail 48 percent fewer delegating provisions than statutes dealing with low‐attention issues – a far stronger relationship than is typically found in the delegation literature. As per the blame‐avoidance perspective, a number of additional analyses yield results consistent with the notion that fears about future public attention motivate statutory delegation if legislative conflict is sufficiently great. Overall, however, the results suggest that conflict typically is not sufficiently great and that legislators are generally more inclined to limit statutory delegation when the public is paying attention.