网络道德问题成因探析

随着网络技术的迅猛发展以及网络应用的逐渐普及,网络道德问题正日益凸现.探寻网络道德问题的成因是解决网络道德问题的前提和关键.本文将从五个方面对网络道德问题的成因进行分析和阐释.     

The North Korean abduction issue: emotions,securitisation and the reconstruction of Japanese identity from ‘aggressor’ to ‘victim’ and from ‘pacifist’ to ‘normal’

Abstract

After Kim Jong-il's confession in 2002 that North Korean agents had abducted thirteen Japanese citizens in the 1970s and 1980s, North Korea has become the most detested country in Japan, and the normalisation of bilateral relations has been put on the back burner. The abduction issue has taken precedence in Japan even over North Korea's development of nuclear weapons and long-range missiles. It has also grossly overshadowed the atrocities for which Imperial Japan was responsible in the 20th century. Why has there been such strong emphasis on an issue that could be disregarded as comparatively ‘less important’? This article understands the ascendency of the abduction issue as the epitome of an identity shift under way in Japan – from the identity of a curiously ‘peaceful’ and inherently ‘abnormal’ state, to that of a more ‘normal’ one. The differentiation of North Korea as ‘abnormal’ emphasises Japan's own (claim to) ‘normality’. Indeed, by incarnating the perils of Japan's own ‘pacifist’ ‘abnormality’, which has been so central to the collective sense of Japanese ‘Self’ in the post-war period, the abduction issue has become a very emotional argument for Japan's ‘normalisation’ in security and defence terms. The transformation from ‘abnormal’ to ‘normal’ is further enabled by Japan trading places with North Korea in the discourse, so that Japan is defined as ‘victim’ (rather than former aggressor) and North Korea as ‘aggressor’ (rather than former victim). What is at stake here is the question whether Japan is ‘normalising’ or ‘remilitarising’, and the role of the abduction issue discourse in enabling such foreign and security policy change.     

Voter polarisation and party responsiveness: Why parties emphasise divided issues,but remain silent on unified issues

How does voter polarisation affect party responsiveness? Previous research has shown that political parties emphasise political issues that are important to their voters. However, it is posited in this article that political parties are not equally responsive to citizen demands across all issue areas. The hypothesis is that party responsiveness varies considerably with the preference configuration of the electorate. More specifically, it is argued that party responsiveness increases with the polarisation of issues among voters. To test these theoretical expectations, party responsiveness is analysed across nine West European countries from 1982 until 2013. Data on voter attention and voter preferences with regard to specific policy issues from a variety of national election studies is combined with Comparative Manifestos Project data on parties' emphasis of these issues in their election manifestos. The findings have major implications for understanding party competition and political representation in Europe.     

For fear of popular politics? Public attention and the delegation of authority to the United States executive branch

Legislators are thought to delegate policymaking authority to administrative actors either to avoid blame for controversial policy or to secure policy outcomes. This study tests these competing perspectives and establishes that public attention to policymaking is a powerful predictor of the extent to which significant United States statutes delegate authority to the executive branch. Consistent with the policy‐concerns perspective, by one calculation statutes dealing with high‐attention issues entail 48 percent fewer delegating provisions than statutes dealing with low‐attention issues – a far stronger relationship than is typically found in the delegation literature. As per the blame‐avoidance perspective, a number of additional analyses yield results consistent with the notion that fears about future public attention motivate statutory delegation if legislative conflict is sufficiently great. Overall, however, the results suggest that conflict typically is not sufficiently great and that legislators are generally more inclined to limit statutory delegation when the public is paying attention.     

论网络犯罪的法律规制

从当前我国网络犯罪的表现 ,分析我国刑事立法现状存在的诸多不足。要从立法上加强对此类犯罪的规制 ,让整个社会来参与预防和控制网络犯罪 ,做到立法与司法并重。     

我国专利权保护的问题与对策

我国专利权的法律保护存在不少问题,究其原因,有专利权人主观原因,企业运作方面的原因,也有立法不足和执法不力的原因。针对存在的问题,应在提高专利权益意识,明确专利行政执法职能,理顺侵权赔偿途径,完善行政保护程序等方面采取措施。     

政党现代化之探讨

实现党的现代化,要坚持改革创新,代表人民利益,健全民主集中制,培养选拔年轻干部,了解和借鉴其他国家政党的经验。     

企业商标文化与策略研究

现代经济是一种注意力经济,在聚集消费者注意力的各种企业标识中,商标居于核心地位。商标策略与管理作为企业实现商标战略目标而采取的具体方法和措施,主要体现在商标的选择、注册、使用、宣传和保护等方面。深入研究这一问题,探寻其中的规律,揭示驰名商标产生的机理,这对企业商标工作具有极其重要的理论指导意义。     

我国刑事强制措施之修缮

本文介绍了我国刑事强制措施的概况 ,分析了现行刑事强制措施的缺陷 ,并提出了完善强制措施若干问题的立法构想。     

三色敷药治疗急性软组织损伤的临床研究

目的:观察三色敷药治疗急性软组织损伤的疗效和安全性。方法:急性软组织损伤患者400例,分为治疗组(三色敷药组)212例,对照组(麝香解痛膏组)188例,按照中药新药指导原则进行观察。结果:治疗组总有效率为91.5%,对照组为75.5%,治疗组疗效明显优于对照组,两组差异有显著性(P<0.05),且未发生不良反应。结论:三色敷药是治疗急性软组织损伤的外用佳药。