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71.
Ghana has conducted several successful elections since 1992, but the country continues to face many threats of widespread violence due to the recurrent nature of micro-level electoral violence and the existence of vulnerabilities such as political patronage, politics of exclusion, winner-takes-all electoral system and ethnic cleavages. While these factors have been used to explain the causes of electoral violence, issue framing by political elites and its connection to electoral violence have not been adequately examined. To better understand this phenomenon, this article draws on the concept of framing to underscore the argument that issue framing and reframing by political elites tend to shape micro-level electoral violence in Ghana.  相似文献   
72.
在21世纪初期的中国,科学发展问题之所以被课题化,主要是由以下三方面因素决定的:从客观上来讲,解决21世纪初期我国经济社会发展中出现的新问题要求实现科学发展;从内在的逻辑要求来讲,新中国成立以来我国三个历史阶段发展主题的转换正好聚焦于科学发展;从主观上来讲,新一届党的领导集体执政思维方式的转变使科学发展问题被课题化具备了认识基础。  相似文献   
73.
刘锋 《桂海论丛》2012,(2):33-37
马克思主义中国化研究是新世纪以来学术界研究的热点问题,围绕马克思主义中国化研究的成果层出不穷。文章以读秀网书名中含马克思主义中国化的著作为研究对象,对国内外马克思主义中国化研究的基本问题进行梳理,以期推动该问题的深入研究。  相似文献   
74.
Abstract

Using the Web to advocate positions and actions on public issues is an emerging and potentially powerful means of shaping public opinion and action. Building on studies of Web advocacy in the political sector, this research employs content analysis to examine Web-based advocacy by U.S. for-profit and nonprofit organizations. For-profit organizations were found to engage in much more Web advocacy than nonprofit organizations. Those organizations that did engage in extensive advocacy, or were committed to multiple social values, appear to have come to adopt these postures or activities consistent with what a cost-benefit analysis of the impact on their enterprise would predict. With respect to region, the Northeast and South evidenced a higher and lower pattern of advocacy, respectively. Finally, greater financial resources predicted more extensive advocacy content generally; the particular issue areas this study examined were community focus, charitable causes, environmental issues, and diversity.  相似文献   
75.
目前,警察执法安全问题复杂而尖锐,其中一个重要的原因就是警察面对的执法环境业已发生变化,区域经济发展状况、社会公平正义、立法与法律实践、地方政策因素等对警察执法安全的影响正在与日剧增,因此,有关警察执法安全研究必须从执法者人身安全现状出发,以多元视角揭示问题根源,掌握有效降低执法安全问题的策略。  相似文献   
76.
ABSTRACT

Against the international backdrop of rising religious tensions, this article explores contemporary civil society views on religious freedom in Bangladesh. It uses critical frame analysis of the corpus of civil society organizations’ (CSOs) submissions to the United Nations’ third cycle Universal Periodic Review (UPR), 2013–18. It provides a timely assessment of Bangladesh’s fulfilment of international obligations on religious freedom, and shows how the politicization of religion and the resultant conflict between ‘secularism’ and ‘extremism’ have been fuelling inter-communal tensions and religious intolerance. In particular, CSOs’ UPR submissions present powerful accounts of the principal human rights pathology affecting the country today, religious-based violence. This is accompanied by a narrative of police malpractice, judicial failings, discrimination, oppression and incitement. A further key finding is ‘situated knowledge’ or first-hand accounts of legal restrictions and government repression of civil society organizations. Consonant with the classical work of liberal theorists, we argue that unprecedented importance now attaches to safeguarding civil society criticality in order to defend religious freedom and uphold human rights in the Republic.  相似文献   
77.
菲律宾国内各政治集团对菲律宾南海政策的制定产生程度不一的影响。基于维护本国利益的国家本位意识和立场,菲律宾各政治集团在南海问题上的共识有:坚持菲律宾所占据的南海岛礁的“主权”;要求以《联合国海洋法公约》为依据来解决南海争端;坚持南海仲裁“裁决”,等等。而硬实力的不足、美国安全承诺的不确定、中国在南海问题上的克制与和平立场以及菲律宾民情等因素导致菲律宾各政治集团在一定程度上达成通过和平方式解决南海问题的共识。除了对策略手段运用的不同理解导致的分歧,菲律宾各政治集团在南海问题上的分歧主要体现在对于菲美同盟及菲美双边军事协议存在着认同与强烈反对的不同声音,其深层原因来自于要求独立自主的反美民族主义与菲律宾国家安全需要之间的矛盾。菲律宾后续仍可能试图以南海“仲裁”结果对中国进行“软”抗争;菲美军事安全合作仍有强化的可能;中菲南海双边谈判以及共同开发协议有可能会随着菲律宾国内政治形势的变动而受到影响,存在较大变数。  相似文献   
78.
本文利用2009年到2012年创业板上市的336家企业IPO数据,采取倾向性评分的方法对无风险投资参与的IPO数据进行调整,解决了风险投资与企业之间相互选择产生的内生性问题。进而研究了风险投资的参与对创业板市场上IPO抑价水平的影响,比较调整后风投参与和无风投参与IPO之间的差异。从时间序列的角度,发现风投参与和无风投参与的IPO发行价的差异在逐年降低,首日收益率的差异逐年增加,说明风险投资的参与会加大IPO抑价水平,支持了Amit et al提出的"逆向选择理论"。  相似文献   
79.
Escalating tensions in the Peninsula may force voluminous North Koreans to leave the country, although relevant information is limited. China has refused to grant North Korean escapees the refugee status, because the main reason of their departure, economic hardship, is not prescribed in conventional refugee definition. The Bangkok Principles provide principal guidance to Asia’s refugee issues, whereto its non-legally binding framework helps facilitate the fledgling regional efforts and still-developing states’ wills. Yet, China’s insistence in distinguishing economic hardship from political causes reifies its overt cautions to the rapidly evolving refugee causes, and an outright rejection to the indiscriminate humanitarian nature of refugee protection. Another reason is China’s ‘Asian Values’ approach to human right, seeing various aspects of human right as separable. To grant refugees only partial rights would appear theoretically unsound, and blatantly contradicting its integral human-right essence. Realistically, China has only limited refugee reception experiences. Its relevant domestic mechanism is under-developed, whereby positive public opinions cannot be effectively remoulded. China also worries about the unwanted international attentions and entailed geopolitical implications, which imply denunciation of Pyongyang’s governance performance by formally identifying these escapees, refugees. Current dramatic changes in inter-Korean relations urge China to take swift, expedient, and substantive actions.  相似文献   
80.
内容提要南非和津巴布韦两国的民族问题和民族政策既有相同点,也存在较大差异。两国除历史条件等相同外,其民族问题与民族政策的不同点主要表现在以下方面:由于外部势力的干预程度不同导致政策制定过程不同;内部势力的分化与整合差异表明政策制定的国内政治环境差异;两国对白人种族主义政权遗产处理方式不同;族际分野与政治分化的敏感性使两国面临的政局和政策导致的政治后果差异。概言之,民族问题处理得当与否对政治稳定起着极重要的作用。虽然民族问题的重要性在下降,但激进的民族政策可能带来意想不到的后果,津巴布韦的教训为其他国家提出了警示。  相似文献   
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