论外资国民待遇标准与中国外资立法政策的调适

随着经济全球化、投资自由化趋势的日益增强 ,外资国民待遇标准的处延有逐步拓展、并在形式上有专门多边条约调整的趋势。我国改革开放以来过分依赖给予外资优惠的立法政策已显现出负面影响 ,为因应国际投资自由化和我国经济转型的需要 ,我国的外资立法应采取以维护内外资公平竞争环境为价值取向的政策。     

影响罪刑法定原则司法化若干问题之探析

罪刑法定原则纳入我国刑法典,具有划时代意义。但罪刑法定原则司法化在我国仍任重而道远。不能正确解读该原则,在观念上存在误区;刑法规则的模糊性与欠合理有违罪刑法定原则之要求;实践中相关制度与罪刑法定原则相冲突,这一切都严重地影响罪刑法定原则的贯彻落实。     

构建我国立法效果评估制度

我国的立法机关注重立法前的调研和论证,对立法后的实际效果缺乏有效的评估论证,某些法律法规部分被执行或落实的不彻底的现象严重存在,影响了法律的严肃性和权威性.因此,必须建立和完善具有中国特色的立法效果评估制度.     

论行政合同的基本特性

行政合同是行政主体为直接实现行政的目的或单纯为行政事务与他方订立的合同。在行政主体合同权利的限制、行政主体在合同中的特权、合同的瑕疵与救济方面,行政合同均存在有别于普通合同的特性。这些特性意味着行政合同具备自身存在的理论基础和实践价值。     

A Political Economy Model of Workers Representation: The Case of Union Elections in Spain

In this article we present a political economy model to analyse the effects of union elections. Union elections are the prerequisite for participating in collective bargaining and they are a unique Spanish institution for union recognition. We apply standard political economy assumptions to model the union elections in order to understand their influence on the dynamics of the unemployment rate. Although union elections give the right to vote to virtually all workers, we show that insider power exists and that it introduces a hysteresis effect on the unemployment rate. In addition, the model shows how the date of the union elections can amplify the business cycle. An empirical analysis confirms the main predictions of the model.JEL Classification: K31, J51, E24     

The electoral victory of the NPD in Saxony and the prospects for future extreme-right success in German elections

ABSTRACT

Largely because of Germany's traumatic experience of National Socialism, German extreme right-wing parties have remained a marginal post-war political phenomenon. The spectacular electoral victory of the Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands (NPD) in the Saxon parliamentary elections of September 2004 (9.2 per cent of the vote) nurtured the fear that a far-right party could establish itself at the national level. Backes explains the election victory by relating it to a set of Saxon and Eastern German circumstances. He demonstrates that unfavourable conditions, which have so far prevented the establishment of extreme right-wing parties at the national level, still prevail. Against this background, he shows that the NPD's capacity for taking advantage of advantageous conditions (like economic problems and xenophobia, rampant in some places) reaches its limits very quickly.     

“正当程序”作为行政程序司法审查标准的立法建议

《行政诉讼法》第54条规定,具体行政行为违反法定程序将导致撤销或部分撤销,并可以判决被告重新作出具体行政行为。《行政诉讼法》对行政程序的要求改变了"重实体、轻程序"的执法模式。把"法定程序"作为司法审查标准有很大局限性,本文建议将司法审查标准提升为"正当程序"标准。     

别居制度之比较研究——兼谈我国别居制度的设立

别居制度作为一项现代婚姻家庭制度,其在调整夫妻关系,维护家庭和睦稳定方面发挥着不可小觑的作用,我国《婚姻法》应在保障离婚自由的前提下建立别居制度,赋予婚姻当事人在特定条件下申请协议别居或司法别居的权利,明确别居的申请程序、期限、效力及终止条件等,以解决目前过度的离婚自由带来的社会问题。     

Markets vs. polls as election predictors: An historical assessment

Prediction markets have drawn considerable attention in recent years as a tool for forecasting elections. But how accurate are they? Do they outperform the polls, as some scholars argue? Do prices in election markets carry information beyond the horserace in the latest polls? This paper assesses the accuracy of US presidential election betting markets in years before and after opinion polling was introduced. Our results are provocative. First, we find that market prices are far better predictors in the period without polls than when polls were available. Second, we find that market prices of the pre-poll era predicted elections almost on par with polls following the introduction of scientific polling. Finally, when we have both market prices and polls, prices add nothing to election prediction beyond polls. To be sure, early election markets were (surprisingly) good at extracting campaign information without scientific polling to guide them. For more recent markets, candidate prices largely follow the polls.     

Strategic voting and effective representation thresholds: Evidence from three Spanish general elections

The extent of strategic voting in the Spanish general elections of 2000, 2004 and 2008 is estimated using a new measure of strategic incentives suitable for proportional representation systems that avoids some of the problems associated with lagged variables. Strategic behaviour increased from 12 to 33 per cent of the electoral base of the United Left Party, the major victim of strategic defection. This estimate is a conservative one as elite mobilisation is controlled for in the constituencies, which is unusual in the literature on strategic voting that uses regression‐based methods.