行政立法不作为研究

所谓行政立法不作为,是指特定行政立法机关未依照上位法的规定,未尽到合理的立法责任,在合适时间以合适的方式或者程序,展开立法创制、修订或废止活动的行为。行政立法不作为危及了公民、法人或者其他组织的权益以及社会公共利益,行政立法机关因此应该承担相应的法律责任。在控制行政立法不作为上,应该强化授权行政立法规则的完善以及妥当地处理好立法裁量权的使用,并加强行政自制、各级人民代表大会常务委员会和社会公众对立法不作为的监督。     

事实与规范之间:当代中国刑法立法方法论批判

在我国刑法立法中,事实中心主义立法方法论长期以来以潜在的方式发挥作用。然而以此为方法论指导提出的立法议案、设定的特定刑法制度却现实地存在诸多困境,这说明此种立法方法存在缺陷。从根本上讲,事实中心主义立法方法论忽视了作为刑事立法选择的有效规范指引。鉴于此,事实与规范二元平衡刑法立法方法应该得到提倡。     

论作为义务视角下的不作为侵权

和传统的作为侵权责任相比较,不作为侵权责任是行为人的一种消极侵权行为。不作为也要承担侵权责任是随着社会关系的日益复杂化和人们权利保障意识的不断加强而产生的。目前,在侵权责任法中,如何完善不作为侵权是我国侵权立法所需要迫切解决的问题。     

Bewitched—The Tea Party Movement: Ideas,Interests and Institutions

This article considers the development of the Tea Party movement, the character of its thinking and the nature of the interests and constituencies to which it is tied. The article suggests that despite the importance of ideas and interests, and the process of interaction between them, the movement has also been shaped and energised by institutional arrangements. In particular, it argues that there are significant numbers of independent or ‘detached’ conservatives and that the institutional architecture draws them towards political engagement but at the same time imposes constraints. The political friction that this creates has contributed to the anger that has characterised the movement. While the Tea Party movement may, as such, have only an ephemeral existence, independent conservatives are likely to remain a significant and potent constituency and will, within the institutional structures that define the American political process, give rise to other movements and protests.     

Explaining the unpopularity of public funding for congressional elections

This article uses data from the 2008 Cooperative Congressional Election Study to explain weak support for public financing of congressional campaigns. Previous studies lack theory to explain variation in support and use a flawed measure of the dependent variable. We argue that low support reflects a failure resulting from a collective action dilemma. Citizens desire a campaign finance system that weans politicians from private donors, but are unwilling to pay a small amount in taxes to support public financing. In contrast to conventional wisdom, we show that support for public financing is highest among those perceived to benefit the most from the current system. Our results suggest that most Americans would rather not pay for politics, and that reform proposals must avoid incurring transparent costs on individual citizens to pay for reform.     

Individual and contextual variation in EU issue voting: The role of political information

Increasing politicization in EU member states about European issues can be expected to strengthen the impact of attitudes towards Europe on vote choice in European Parliament (EP) elections. At the same time this impact is likely to vary between voters and contexts as a function of political information. This study explores the role of political information in explaining individual and contextual heterogeneity in the degree of EU issue voting. Using a two-step hierarchical estimation procedure to explore both individual and contextual variation, we show that while EU issue voting in the 2009 EP elections is only slightly more pronounced among the politically sophisticated, it is clearly more extensive in contexts that provide higher levels of political information on European matters.     

洛克对政治权力内涵的分析

洛克在《政府论两篇》中分析了政治权力的内涵。他的学说对英美自由主义理论的发展产生了深远的影响。尽管如此,学界却一直忽视了洛克的政治权力理论,仅仅强调了他的权利理论。本文试图弥补这一缺陷。洛克分析政治权力的起点是享有财产权和自由的个体,这些个体构成了一个前政治的自由秩序。以此为基础,洛克通过社会契约解释了政治权力的生成逻辑,并在这一论证过程中赋予政治权力以特定的道德属性。他阐释政治权力内涵的另一个特点是他赋予了政治权力以一种特殊的存在形态,即"立法权力"。洛克阐述的这一政治权力有效地在理论上对抗了当时的父权理论和绝对主权理论,为他设计一个宪政国家奠定了基础。     

论社区矫正制度与我国刑法的进一步完善

《刑法修正案（八）》在法律上正式确立了社区矫正制度。但是,《刑法修正案（八）》中关于社区矫正制度的规定仍存在诸多缺憾。随着社区矫正工作的深入发展与推进,作为司法体制和工作机制改革的重要内容,对我国刑法加以进一步完善已成为必然的选择。对于《刑法修正案（八）》中确立的社区矫正制度有必要从立法上作进一步的完善：一是应当在刑法中明确社区矫正的执行主体为司法行政机关;二是应当在刑法中明确社区矫正的适用范围为目前试行中的＂五种人＂,即被判处管制、被宣告缓刑、被暂予监外执行、被裁定假释以及被剥夺政治权利并在社会上服刑的五种罪犯;三是应当在刑法中确立社区矫正前的社会调查制度,明确调查评估主体和社会调查报告的内容及在刑事司法中的作用。     

《劳动合同法》的立法背景与立法趋势

劳动合同立法是一次民主立法、科学立法的生动实践,制定《劳动合同法》,是我国调整劳动关系的必然,是建立和发展和谐社会的必然,同样也是中国政治、经济发展的必然。《劳动合同法》适当地提高了劳动标准,结合我国现实问题,解决了劳动领域的诸多问题。