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41.
论行政许可设定制度   总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0  
余正琨 《河北法学》2006,24(3):72-75
行政许可设定是国家机关依照法定权限和法定程序,制定法律、行政法规、地方性法规、行政规章等规范性文件,创设行政许可事项的活动.行政许可设定既是一项国家权力,又是一种立法活动,处于行政许可制度的基础性地位,是实施行政许可的前提.研究行政许可设定制度,对于规范行政权力的有序运作,保护行政相对人的合法权益,加强依法行政的有效实施等,都具有十分重要的意义.  相似文献   
42.
高留志 《河北法学》2006,24(9):60-64
近代以来,婚姻和生育随着科学技术和社会经济的发展逐渐分离.婚姻和生育的分离要求婚姻权和生育权、婚姻制度和生育制度应当分别立法规定.我国婚姻法应当在禁婚亲、禁婚疾病和法定婚龄方面做出因应.  相似文献   
43.
罗开卷 《法学论坛》2006,21(3):83-87
依据Trips协议的相关规则和要求,完善和调整我国知识产权的法律保护机制,是亟待研究解决的问题。Trips协议下我国假冒注册商标罪的立法应从以下方面加以完善:将服务商标、“类似商品”、“近似商标”侵权行为和反向假冒注册商标行为纳入本罪的保护范围;改结果犯为行为犯的立法模式;加大刑法对注册驰名商标行为的保护力度。  相似文献   
44.
In many European democracies, political punditry has highlighted the attempts of political parties on the left to court the ‘lavender vote’ of lesbian, gay and bisexual individuals. This article examines the presence of a gay vote in Western Europe with a focus on assessing the role of sexuality in shaping individuals’ political preferences and voting behaviour. Empirically, the effect of sexuality on both ideological identification as well as party vote choice is analysed. Using a cumulative dataset of eight rounds of the European Social Survey between 2002 and 2017, this article demonstrates that partnered lesbians and gay men are more likely than comparable heterosexuals to identify with the left, support leftist policy objectives and vote for left-of-centre political parties. The analysis represents the first empirical cross-national European study of the voting behaviour of homosexual individuals and sheds new light on the importance of sexuality as a predictor of political ideology and voting behaviour within the Western European context.  相似文献   
45.
Emerging evidence points towards the existence of a “sexuality gap” in the political preferences and behaviour of lesbian, gay and bisexual (LGB) voters and that of heterosexuals in Western Europe. Very little is known, however, about how this gap is moderated by socio-economic status. This paper tests the conditionality of the sexuality gap by analysing how the effect of LGB status is conditioned by income and education. Empirically, we rely on data from the European Social Survey (2002–2017) to analyse the marginal effect of sexuality in determining ideological placement, vote choice and support for economic redistribution across different income and education levels. The results demonstrate that the divergence between LGBs' and heterosexuals’ preferences only emerges amongst those with higher income and education. The findings also suggest that the sexuality gap may be the result of the asymmetric effect of these socio-economic variables for LGBs and heterosexuals.  相似文献   
46.
This study examines the roles of task characteristics, organisational social support, and individual proactivity on innovative work behaviour (IWB) in the public sector. Analysing empirical data from 154 employees from a government agency in Australia, we found that task characteristics, organisational social support, and proactive personality have a positive impact on IWB. Proactive personality is also found to be a moderator in the relationship between task characteristics and IWB. The findings suggest the need to design human resource practices that better identify proactive and innovative job applicants in the recruitment and selection process. Further, we highlight the requirement to organise and design work that recognises the need to develop social support to improve IWB. The implications of the study for further research on IWB are discussed.  相似文献   
47.
通过立法构建监察官制度是贯彻实施监察法的要求,也是监察官专业化的客观需要。通过监察官法确认监察官专业化的发展目标和基本框架,有利于推进监察官制度的法治化,促进监察官队伍高质量发展。针对中纪委监察官法(草案初稿)关于监察官范围和任职条件的规定,提出以下立法建议:“全员式”进入监察官序列的设计思路值得商榷。监察官属于特殊的监察人员,其范围应小于监察人员。监察人员也不同于监察机关工作人员。适当放宽监察官任职的身份限制。取得法律职业资格虽然不宜作为初任监察官的任职条件之一,但是可在初任监察官考试时享有法律科目的免试或作为未来晋升时的考量因素。  相似文献   
48.
我国劳动法关于被迫辞职的立法经历了一个不断完善的过程。现有的被迫辞职制度存在适用范围狭窄、认定条件宽松、相关规定不明确以及用人单位的法律责任过轻等问题,进而导致司法实务中部分裁判的社会效果不佳。可以从采取例举与一般规定相结合的立法技术、主客观相结合的判断标准、规定合理的催告期、按违法解除承担法律责任等方面予以完善。  相似文献   
49.
Party politics and electoral research generally assume that party members are loyal voters. This article first assesses the empirical basis for this assumption before providing individual‐level explanations for defection. It combines prominent theories from party politics and electoral behaviour research and argues that internal disagreement and external pressure can each bring about disloyal voting. The hypotheses are motivated with multi‐country European survey data and tested on two sets of party‐level national surveys. The results show, first, that, on average, 8 per cent of European party members cast a defecting vote in the last election, and second, that dissatisfaction with the leadership is the strongest predictor of defection. Additionally, internal ideological disagreement is associated with higher probabilities of defection, whereas the effects of pull factors in the form of contentious policies are rather limited. These findings emphasise the importance of testing scientific assumptions and the potential significance of party leadership contests.  相似文献   
50.
This article explains legislative turnover in eight West European legislatures over 152 general elections in the period 1945–2015. Turnover is measured as the rate of individual membership change in unicameral or lower chambers. It is the outcome of a legislative recruitment process with a supply and a demand side. Decisions made by contenders affect supply, while decisions made by parties and voters influence demand. Such decisions are shaped by four political and institutional factors: the institutional context of political careers, or structure of political career opportunities; political party characteristics; electoral swings; and electoral systems. Ten specific hypotheses are tested within this theoretical framework. The structure of political career opportunities is the most decisive factor explaining variability in turnover rates, followed by electoral swings and political parties. Electoral systems show less substantive effects. Electoral volatility is the predictor with the most substantive effects, followed by duration of legislative term, strength of bicameralism, regional authority, gender quotas, level of legislative income and district magnitude.  相似文献   
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