Clarity of responsibility and foreign policy performance voting

Do voters’ assessments of the government's foreign policy performance influence their vote intentions? Does the ‘clarity of responsibility’ in government moderate this relationship? Existing research on the United States demonstrates that the electorate's foreign policy evaluations influence voting behaviour. Whether a similar relationship exists across the advanced democracies in Europe remains understudied, as does the role of domestic political institutions that might generate responsibility diffusion and dampen the effect of foreign policy evaluations on vote choice. Using the attitudinal measures of performance from the 2011 Transatlantic Trends survey collected across 13 European countries, these questions are answered in this study through testing on incumbent vote the diffusion‐inducing effects of five key domestic factors frequently used in the foreign policy analysis literature. Multilevel regression analyses conclude that the electorate's ability to assign punishment decreases at higher levels of responsibility diffusion, allowing policy makers to circumvent the electoral costs of unpopular foreign policy. Specifically, coalition governments, semi‐presidential systems, ideological dispersion among the governing parties and the diverse allocation of the prime ministerial and foreign policy portfolios generate diffusion, dampening the negative effects of foreign policy disapproval on vote choice. This article contributes not only to the debate on the role of foreign policy in electoral politics, but also illustrates the consequential effects of domestic institutions on this relationship.     

Pushed by national politics or pulled by localism? Voting for independent local parties in the Netherlands

This study examines why citizens in the Netherlands vote for independent local parties. These are parties that run in municipal council elections, but do not run in elections at higher levels. This article examines a number of expectations: namely that voters vote for these parties out dissatisfaction with established parties, that they do so because they have a 'localist' political orientation or that they do so because their own national party is not running in the municipal elections. More support is found for the idea that voters vote for local parties because they are pushed away by national parties (either because they do not participate in some municipalities or because voters distrust them) than for the idea that voters vote for local parties for positive reasons, such as a localist political orientation. This article examines two surveys concerning voting behaviour in the 2014 Dutch municipal elections.     

Gender,populist attitudes,and voting: explaining the gender gap in voting for populist radical right and populist radical left parties

Empirical studies have demonstrated that compared to almost all other parties, populist radical right (PRR) parties draw more votes from men than from women. However, the two dominant explanations that are generally advanced to explain this disparity – gender differences regarding socio-economic position and lower perceptions regarding the threat of immigrants – cannot fully explain the difference. The article contends that it might actually be gender differences regarding the conceptualisation of society and politics – populist attitudes – that explain the gender gap. Thus, the gap may be due, in part, to differences in socialisation. The article analyses EES 2014 data on voting for the populist radical right and the populist radical left in nine European countries. Across countries, the gender gap in voting for the PRR is indeed partly explained by populist attitudes. For populist radical left parties, the results are less clear, suggesting that populism has different meanings to voters on the left and on the right.     

被害人补偿立法的理论与实践

本文对犯罪被害人补偿的概念、补偿立法的理论基础和内容进行了全面的论述 ,并就被害人补偿立法的相关问题阐述了自己的理论观点。同时对我国的被害人立法和保护问题提出了自己的一些建议。     

论立法监督的价值

本文首先对立法监督的内涵进行了介绍，在对相关学说分析的基础上阐述了自己的观点，并对立法监督的对象和内容进行了总结；其次主要探讨了立法监督的价值，从法治、法律移植、立法质量三个角度剖析了立法监督的价值；最后指明了重视立法监督制度对我国建设社会主义和谐社会的现实意义。     

妨害清算罪之立法反思与完善——以我国现行公司、企业清算制度为背景

随着新《公司法》、《企业破产法》及相关司法解释的出台,我国公司、企业清算制度的法律框架基本形成,对清算人②、清算义务人③等相关主体违法清算或怠于清算的民事和行政责任追究机制亦逐步完善。然而在刑法规制层面上,则仅有妨害清算罪这一罪名,并且由于其立法之内在缺陷,未能完全反映当前公司、企业清算制度在刑法上的要求。因而有必要借鉴国外立法经验,从行为方式、时间要素、犯罪主体等构成要件方面入手,完善妨害清算罪立法,以期实现对公司、企业清算制度及债权人利益的全面刑法保护。     

《刑法修正案（六）》第七条和第八条之研讨

从刑事立法的演化进程看,刑法第一百六十三条和第一百六十四条是从贪污贿赂罪中逐渐剥离而分立出来的,实践中将其统称为商业贿赂罪的做法不够严谨科学。《刑法修正案(六)》第七条和第八条将刑法第一百六十三条和第一百六十四条的受贿主体由原来的“公司企业人员”扩展至“公司企业及其他单位工作人员”,为打击既非公司企业工作人员、也非从事公务的国家工作人员或准国家工作人员的收受贿赂行为及对之行贿的行为提供了法律依据。其罪名可确定为“非公务人员受贿罪”与“对非公务人员行贿罪”。司法适用中也应注意修正案的时间效力及法条援引方法。     

我国诱惑侦查之现状及法律规制

诱惑侦查是指侦查人员设置圈套或诱饵,暗示或诱使侦查对象暴露其犯罪意图并实施犯罪行为,待犯罪行为实施时或结果发生后,拘捕被诱惑者。作为一种特殊的侦查形式,因其成功侦破特殊类型的犯罪案件的高效性而在我国得到越来越多的运用。但这一侦查手段在实践运用中存在许多问题。我们可借鉴国外的法理和实践,从侦查目的、侦查模式及法治化要求的角度对诱惑侦查全面分析,并对其有效规范和制约,以更好地发挥其作用,规避其危险性。     

论持有型犯罪的罪过形式

本文把持有型犯罪分为“拒不说明”型和单纯持有型两种 ,并指出单纯持有型犯罪的罪过设置在我国刑事立法上的缺陷 :由于罪过设置不明朗 ,容易使人把单纯持有型犯罪作为无罪过形式的犯罪来对待 ,以致有悖于主、客观要件相统一的定罪原则使司法运作陷入尴尬境地。因此作者建议 :立法上对于单纯持有型犯罪的罪过设计可参照拒不说明型犯罪的规定完善之。     

征地补偿法律问题研究

随着社会生产力的发展,工业化进程的推进,我国的城市化和城镇化的进程也已经开始加速。城镇化遇到的首要问题就是征地问题。然而,失地农民在征地过程中却得不到相应合理的补偿,自身合法利益经常遭受侵害。文章在研究现阶段征地补偿的现状基础上,从法律视角分析了征地补偿诸多问题产生的原因,并提出了相应的立法建议。