全文获取类型
收费全文 | 1124篇 |
免费 | 44篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 31篇 |
工人农民 | 9篇 |
世界政治 | 14篇 |
外交国际关系 | 18篇 |
法律 | 510篇 |
中国共产党 | 14篇 |
中国政治 | 101篇 |
政治理论 | 158篇 |
综合类 | 313篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 9篇 |
2022年 | 7篇 |
2021年 | 17篇 |
2020年 | 42篇 |
2019年 | 28篇 |
2018年 | 35篇 |
2017年 | 32篇 |
2016年 | 33篇 |
2015年 | 24篇 |
2014年 | 35篇 |
2013年 | 129篇 |
2012年 | 75篇 |
2011年 | 54篇 |
2010年 | 55篇 |
2009年 | 70篇 |
2008年 | 96篇 |
2007年 | 81篇 |
2006年 | 72篇 |
2005年 | 65篇 |
2004年 | 69篇 |
2003年 | 62篇 |
2002年 | 31篇 |
2001年 | 24篇 |
2000年 | 15篇 |
1999年 | 7篇 |
1998年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有1168条查询结果,搜索用时 31 毫秒
971.
Claire Wright 《Democratization》2013,20(4):713-734
The aim of this article is to contribute to the debate on emergency rule, a practice that democratic theory has struggled to conceptualize. Accordingly, this article differs from existing approaches, which mainly focus on the constitutional design of regimes of exception and tend to identify the institution of the Roman dictator as their source. In contrast, we offer a comprehensive approach, considering other historical sources of emergency rule, going beyond the dichotomy of constitutional and de facto emergency, and focusing specifically on the types of emergency powers involved: executive, legislative and judicial. We propose a different way of conceptualizing emergency rule, following a political rather than a constitutional logic, and we illustrate this different conceptualization by offering evidence from Bolivia, Chile and Guatemala to demonstrate how this comprehensive approach works in practice. 相似文献
972.
Shirin M. Rai 《Democratization》2013,20(3):385-391
This introductory article outlines the conceptual approach of this special issue on legislative protest and suggests that this form of protest alerts us to the negotiated institutional politics of parliaments. Together with many contributors to this issue, this article briefly puts forward a performative approach to studying legislative protest that brings into focus the spaces in which performances take place, the speech and rhetoric through which is performed as well as the bodies that convey the somatic norms of institutions as well as to alert us to issues of representation and representativeness of legislative institutions. Legislative protest then is viewed not simply as disruptive and inefficient, bringing into disrepute the reputations of legislative bodies; rather the performance of protest is regarded as yet another register through which we can productively map the changing cultural and historical development of representative politics. 相似文献
973.
974.
975.
Sarah-Jane Gerber 《心理学、犯罪与法律》2013,19(9):781-795
Abstract Despite development in high-risk environments, many youths are resilient and do not engage in antisocial behaviour and crime. Research on human traits such as intelligence and morality, suggest that the implicit theories (ITs) people have about the controllability of their behaviour, as either fixed (entity beliefs) or malleable (incremental beliefs) may play a part in successful behavioural outcomes. Using this as a framework, the function of ITs about crime in successful adolescent development was investigated among 422 ‘at-risk’ youths. Incremental ITs of criminality were found to significantly predict less self-reported involvement in youth offending, controlling for academic attainment. Entity ITs, conversely, were associated with an increased rate of participation in deviant behaviour. Further analysis revealed that incremental ITs of criminality moderated the negative effects of associating with delinquent peers on adolescent behaviour. The results demonstrate the direct and indirect protective function of incremental ITs of criminality for youths at risk and highlight the value of investigating further the protective processes that are involved in preventing youth crime. 相似文献
976.
Edgar Miller 《心理学、犯罪与法律》2013,19(4):297-318
Abstract Structural damage or abnormality of the brain may be related to offending. What is known about the consequences of lesions to the frontal and temporal lobes and of the results of head injury, suggests psychological changes that might well enhance the risk of offending, and in particular violent offending. Evidence from two sources is reviewed, that based on studies of offender groups and that based on those follow-up studies of clinically defined samples of head injury victims which have reported offence related outcomes. Despite some methodological limitations, the balance of evidence is that frontal damage and possibly temporal lobe damage is related to offending, particularly violent offending, and that head injury can act to precipitate offence related behaviour. It is suggested that future research needs to concentrate more on the factors that mediate the link between brain damage and offending behaviour. 相似文献
977.
AbstractThis paper aims to introduce a reconceptualisation of dialectic behaviour therapy (DBT), “wise mind–risky mind”, and its application to sexual offender treatment. This reconceptualisation holds some promise in addressing issues around general, affective, cognitive and sexual dysregulation, and may provide an alternative way of thinking about sexual offender treatment. The wise mind–risky mind dialectical construct helps clients and therapists utilise a common language that captures and validates the experiential difficulties that clients go through in effectively managing their risk for sexual offending. The incorporation of DBT principles in standard sexual offender treatment programmes can assist clients in effectively managing problems with dysregulation in various domains. It can also afford a more integrated treatment framework when working with sexual offending dynamics. The authors discuss this new construct and its possible applications within the broader forensic mental health field. 相似文献
978.
Patrice Renaud Sylvain Chartier Joanne-Lucine Rouleau Jean Proulx Mathieu Goyette Dominique Trottier 《Journal of Sexual Aggression》2013,19(1):102-120
Abstract Child molesters (n=13) and sexually non-deviant subjects (n=29) were immersed with virtual characters depicting relevant sexual features while their sexual arousal and gaze behaviour were assessed to characterise their sexual preferences and intentional dynamics. Sexual arousal was measured using circumferential penile plethysmography (PPG). Gaze behaviour dynamics were derived from average gaze radial angular deviation (GRAD) and GRAD coefficient of variation (GRADCV). Results show distinct sexual arousal profiles according to sexual preferences and point towards the existence of specific gaze behaviour dynamics guided by sexual intentions. Theoretical interpretations are based on the ecological psychology of J. J. Gibson, the extended mind theory and the integrated theory of sexual offending. Theoretical underpinnings stemming from these approaches are advocated as being especially well suited to explain how virtual reality can help probing into child molesters' phenomenology as lived from the “first-person” stance. 相似文献
979.
How do multi-party coalition governments share agenda power? In principle, coalitions might allocate agenda power among their members by distributing special proposal rights, distributing special blocking rights, or both. The literature has prominent models embodying each polar possibility, with Laver and Shepsle's model envisaging that each party in a coalition has the ability to propose any bill(s) it wishes within the jurisdiction of a ministry it controls; and Cox and McCubbins' cartel theory envisaging that each party has the ability to block bills, thus necessitating collective bargaining over the overall agenda. This paper shows that agenda-setting in Israel is not consistent with the ‘ministerial dictatorship’ version of the Laver–Shepsle model but is consistent with the Cox–McCubbins model. 相似文献
980.
Legislative Oversight in the Ukrainian Rada: Assessing the Effectiveness of Parliamentary Committees
This study analyses factors associated with the perceived effectiveness of committee oversight in the Ukrainian Rada. Based on two waves of original survey data, it attempts to discern whether Ukrainian MPs view the committee oversight process primarily as an extension of partisan politics, a forum for constituency representation and resource distribution, or a politically independent process of information acquisition and regulation. The findings of the analysis suggest that partisan political considerations do not play a significant role in shaping MP attitudes towards committee oversight. Rather, deputy evaluations of the oversight process are influenced mainly by distributional and informational factors, suggesting that committee oversight is one area in which legislative institutionalisation appears to be taking root in post-communist Ukraine. 相似文献