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61.
Ian Cram 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2013,25(2):335-355
ABSTRACT In the wake of the first ever Al Qaeda-inspired bombings in Britain in July 2005, there has been much discussion about the appropriate form(s) of counter-terrorism response. This article focuses on one aspect of the “war on terror” usually afforded less prominence than other counter-terrorist measures; namely a range of existing and proposed constraints on media freedom and the constitutional/human rights issues provoked. The United Kingdom is the focus because terrorism laws intended for the ethno-nationalist conflict in Northern Ireland have been replaced by legislation in 2000 and 2001 claimed to reflect the changed nature of terrorism and that arguably has serious implications for freedom of expression. Measures that would impact adversely on speech are being debated in Parliament presently, measures that go considerably further than the previous bans on the direct broadcasting of Sinn Féin representatives and their sympathisers. 相似文献
62.
63.
CHARLES LEDDY‐OWEN 《The Political quarterly》2014,85(3):340-347
The article critically evaluates liberal nationalist perspectives on immigration by drawing on findings from a qualitative research project undertaken in 2014 among White British interviewees in England. From one perspective the study's participants' attitudes seem to support arguments made by David Goodhart and other liberal nationalists regarding immigration, social trust and integration. However, further analysis suggests that these attitudes are to a very significant extent drawn first from partially imagined ideas surrounding immigration and second from potentially unreliable sources. These findings thus provoke the question of whether social trust and notions of a national community are actually being disrupted by immigration, or whether they are being disrupted by prejudiced nationalist and xenophobic perceptions about immigration and immigrants. The article will conclude by arguing for more nuanced research into attitudes towards immigration and in favour of a sceptical approach to nationalist frameworks for interpreting society and politics in Britain today. 相似文献
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65.
This paper provides a preliminary overview of research on organized crime in Asia drawing on selected papers from a symposium
held at the National University of Singapore in June 2007. We draw on these contributions to emphasize the enterprise nature
of organized crime and the common problems encountered by law enforcement in controlling and preventing the many harms inflicted
by serious criminal activity. Recent attempts to address the changing character and forms of transnational organized crime,
especially through the strengthening of mutual legal assistance by regional bodies such as ASEAN, are noted. These measures
have yet to develop into the cross-border institutional frameworks now found in Europe, and the level of effective co-operation
can only continue to improve. Countering organized crime in Asia also faces additional difficulties arising from the cultural
diversity, relative weakness of law enforcement in some states and the lack of common strategies in respect to illicit markets.
相似文献
Roderic BroadhurstEmail: |
66.
Alexis A. Aronowitz 《European Journal on Criminal Policy and Research》2001,9(2):163-195
This article will define the concepts of smuggling and trafficking in human beings and discuss the difficulty in applying the definition. The magnitude and scope of the problem will be examined as well as its causes. Trafficking in human beings will be analysed as an illegal market, particularly with reference to its relationship with other illegal markets and the involvement of organised crime groups. The phenomenon will be discussed in more depth focusing on countries and regions where projects are currently being implemented under the auspices of the United Nations Global Programme against Trafficking in Human Beings. The discussion closes with an overview of situations which facilitate the practice, and current measures and recommendations to stem the tide of smuggling and trafficking. 相似文献
67.
Shalendra D. Sharma 《The international spectator : a quarterly journal of the Istituto affari internazionali》2020,55(3):82-97
ABSTRACT The liberal international economic and political order which the United States created from the ashes of World War II and has since led is in trouble. To United States President Donald Trump, the order which provided the framework under which sovereign states agreed to follow a rules-based system of economic and political cooperation and shared multilateral governance, has not only allowed other nations (in particular, China) to take advantage of US ‘magnanimity’, but also weakened the United States economically, while asymmetric alliances compromised its military advantages. Given the sustained assault this cosmopolitan order is facing, many fear that it may not survive if Trump is re-elected in November 2020. Indeed, if the United States response to the COVID-19 pandemic is any guide, an ‘America First’ agenda, especially a hard-line approach to China, will shape US policy if Trump wins a second term. 相似文献
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69.
市是古代日本都城不可或缺的重要组成部分。古代日本为了保证市的正常运行与公平交易,对市的开放时间以及商品的度量、质量与物价等做了严格的规定。以"钱"为媒介,东、西市既保证了中央官司正常执行公务,同时也满足了官人阶层对生活必需品与奢侈品的需求。以东、西市为中心形成的全国性的流通体系,不仅促进了都城与周边地区的交流与联系,而且确保和强化了律令制国家的中央集权以及中央政府对全国的统治。 相似文献
70.
Preferential trade agreements are now the dominant trend in the international trading regime. Unlike earlier ‘first generation’ agreements, the new agreements became more comprehensive in their coverage, impinging on areas that are subject to subnational jurisdiction of federal systems. Given constitutionally-prescribed competences allocated to subnational governments, the diversity of interests and sensitivities of subnational entities bring deeply entrenched regulatory practices under scrutiny. Few studies have focused on whether the combination of economic liberalization and political fragmentation will push federal and sub-federal entities to address domestic market fragmentation. We examine whether international market liberalization fosters domestic regulatory and structural reforms to cross-border barriers to trade in Canada and the United States. We show that while the political incentives and functional pressures generated by free trade agreements have fostered attempts at addressing internal market restrictions in Canada, the US has not followed the same path due to weaker mechanisms of intergovernmental coordination. 相似文献