书写与歧视——"夜郎自大"现象与少数民族历史的异化

近年来,"夜郎自大"所体现的对于夜郎君主的误解开始引起学者们的广泛关注。然而,误解并非是偶然的,司马迁的历史记载以及成语贬义的形成,凝聚着深厚的传统的文化偏见,反映了在古代民族中心主义语境下,少数民族历史书写所遭受的一种普遍命运。     

Do Policies of Multiculturalism Change National Identities?

‘Policies of multiculturalism are often criticised for undermining national identities in one of three ways and in this article I suggest why this is questionable and then point to a more plausible relationship between the two. More specifically, I offer a hypothesis which is that policies of multiculturalism change national identities and I argue that this hypothesis is both theoretically plausible and empirically plausible in at least one instance. This argument is made in three stages and in the first of them I explain what I think policies of multiculturalism and national identities are. In the second stage I present my hypothesis and explain why it is theoretically plausible. In the third stage I use new evidence to suggest why my hypothesis is also empirically plausible in at least one instance. In the final stage I show why a sceptic who might doubt whether my hypothesis is plausible in other instances need not do so.’     

Why Is the Estate Tax so Controversial?

There are some social issues whose significance for society nobody would seriously question but which nevertheless receive only scarce attention in sociological research. One of these is the bequest of private wealth from one generation to the next. It is currently estimated that about 550 billion dollars are transferred annually in the United States, amounting to more than 4% of the American gross national product (Havens and Schervish 1999). Not only is this a huge amount of wealth that changes ownership, but the bequest of wealth speaks to some of the core questions of sociological scholarship.

国家权利·国家被害·国家护卫需求

国家权利是国家就维持其存在和履行职能所应有利益而享有的一种支配自由。国家也会受到犯罪的侵害 ,国家被害的客体是国家权利。国家权利也有防御犯罪和利益补救的护卫需求。     

对宗教"五性"的再认识

宗教“五性”是马克思主义宗教观与我国社会宗教实际相结合的产物 ,是马克思主义宗教理论在新的历史条件下的坚持和发展 ,是完善和正确执行党的宗教政策的基本点。我国正处于社会转型时期 ,对宗教“五性”的再认识 ,是我们进一步深化对国情的再认识。     

Bush: The Sequel

This article examines the likely foreign policy initiatives of the U.S. under the leadership of George W. Bush. The new president has outlined a fairly thorough critique of America's international behavior in the 1990s. Because a leader's public statements arguably serve to persuade various audiences and to build support for policy change, the article takes Bush's words quite seriously—along with those spoken or written by his closest foreign affairs advisors. Bush intends to abandon the so-called Clinton Doctrine and deploy national missile defenses. He is critical of American policies toward China and Russia, but has not presented bold new initiatives toward those powers. Under the rubric of "compassionate conservatism," Bush may alter U.S. relations toward the Global South in some interesting ways. The president and his advisors often purport to be realists, but the article demonstrates that their own words belie this claim as they often justify policies based on ideals rather than the pursuit of power.     

大力推进经济结构的战略性调整

经济结构调整是经济发展的重要基础.社会主义市场经济体系的不断完善和经济全球化的趋势,要求我们加快经济结构调整步伐.我们要调整农业的种植品种结构,推进农业产业化进程.加快工业的改组改造,发展高新技术产业.加快城市化建设步伐,努力实施西部大开发战略,继续调整和完善所有制结构.     

一个民族没有自尊心和自信心是立不起来的——学习邓小平关于提高民族自尊心和自信心思想的体会

提高民族自尊心和自信心具有重要的意义 ,它可以坚定中国人民走自己的路 ,使中国人民信心百倍地把自己的事情做得更好 ,坚定不移地走建设有中国特色的社会主义道路。提高民族自尊心和自信心的基本思路是 :坚持中国共产党的领导 ;坚持独立自主的方针 ;加快我国经济的发展速度 ;进行民族团结和社会稳定的教育 ;加强革命传统的教育 ;用中华民族的血泪史教育广大青少年和人民群众 ;发扬自力更生和艰苦奋斗的创业精神 ;批判资本主义制度的虚伪性 ;弘扬振兴中华的爱国主义     

The legacy of subalternity and Gramsci’s national–popular: populist discourse in the case of the Islamic Republic of Iran

Drawing on Laclau’s concept of populist discourse and Gramsci’s ‘national–popular collective will’, and using the case of Iran, this article puts forward the idea of the legacy of subalternity in the context of post-revolution governments. The concept of ‘national–popular collective will’ facilitates an understanding of how the popular subject is constructed and the meanings embedded in that process. It is argued that Islamic Republic elites articulate a populist discourse that constructs the ‘self’ (the Islamic Republic) as synonymous with ‘the people’. Embedded in this discursive construction is a legacy of subalternity that goes back to the 1979 Revolution’s populist discourse.     

National identity-building and the “Ustaša-nostalgia” in Croatia: the past that will not pass

Most scholarship on post-Communist Croatia claims that the first Croatian president, Franjo Tu?man, intentionally rehabilitated the legacy of the World War II (WWII) Croatian Usta?a and its Nazi-puppet state. The rehabilitation of the Usta?a has been linked to Tu?man’s national reconciliation politics that tended toward a particular “forgetting of the past.” The national reconciliation was conceptualized as a joint struggle of both the Croatian anti-fascist Partisan and the Croatian WWII fascist Usta?a successors to achieve Croatian independence. However, the existing scholarship does not offer a comprehensive explanation of the nexus between national reconciliation and the rehabilitation of the Usta?a. Hence, this article will present how “Usta?a-nostalgia” does not stem from Tu?man’s intentions, but rather from the morphological gap occurring in Tu?man’s nation-building idea. Namely, Tu?man’s condemnation of the entire idea of Yugoslavism and Yugoslavia eventually brought about the perception that any historical agent advocating the idea of an independent Croatia is better than any form of Croatian Yugoslavism. Finally, the article will present how contemporary Croatian society is still seeped in “Usta?a-nostalgia” due to the hesitation of the post-Tu?man Croatian politics to come to terms with the legacy of his national reconciliation politics.