台湾的现代性“怨恨修辞”

结合中国古典"诗怨"传统,并运用尼采、舍勒等人的现代性怨恨理论对台湾的现代性叙事进行意识形态分析,指出由于割台、日据、二·二八事件等历史原因造成台湾政治大众在祖国认同上的某种怨恨心态.从"伟大叙事"的角度,对于国民党意识形态在台湾的失败与"本土政治"的兴起作了历史的剖析.     

论“台独“对我国安全和统一的威胁

目前台岛内"台独"势力十分猖獗,已对我国的战略安全、经济安全、领土与主权完整、民族尊严、政治安定构成巨大威胁.坚决制止和遏制"台独",是我们目前的一项紧迫任务.     

The National-Bolshevik Party and Arctogaia: two neo-fascist groupuscules in the post-Soviet political space

Mathyl examines two representatives of the Russian groupuscular right-Arctogaia and the National-Bolskevik Party-and their emergence after the collapse of the Soviet system in 1991, in the context of the radicalization of Russian nationalism that took place during the inter-Russian power struggle of 1992-3. The ideological arsenal of these groups consists principally of a politico-historical reconciliation between western (neo-)fascism and authoritarian nationalist Russian and Soviet traditions, in which those traditions are intensified and synthesized into a new kind of 'national Bolshevism'. The success of neo-fascist groupuscules demonstrates how potentially explosive the fascist diagnosis of the status quo can behaving been preserved virtually intact since 1945-when it meets with a new situation of high political instability and is employed in intensive political propaganda, as was the case in post-perestroika Russia. Following the nationalists' military defeat in October 1993, the Russian groupuscular right attempted both to maintain the revolutionary impetus and, through a variety of cultural-political activities, to contribute to the gradual enlargement of the nationalist-imperialist project, thereby demonstrating its close connection to the New Right and its strategy of struggling for cultural hegemony. Since the end of the 1990s, there has been, within the groupuscular right, both an increasingly apparent ideological transfer from East to West, and evidence of the growing influence of national Bolshevism on western third-positionist groups.     

民族地区学校教育与民族文化关系探究

在现代化背景下,民族地区学校教育与民族文化关系问题面临诸多困境。学校教育在民族地区的一个重要任务在于如何防止现代化的负面效应,并积极地从民族文化的保护与传承方面,解决民族成员的心理不适与精神困惑。这就要求学校教育既要传授普世性知识,又要兼顾到地方性知识,但目前实施效果并不理想。民族文化需要被重新认识,重新理解。     

Introduction: the history of anthropology

Abstract

On 24 January 1999 a new party was formed by the former Front national (FN) number two, Bruno Mégret. The Front national–Mouvement national was subsequently renamed twice: it became the Mouvement national (MN) following the loss of a court case, and later the Mouvement national républicain (MNR). Mégret claims that the MNR is a party not of the extreme right but of the moderate right, labelled by him the ‘national right’. This is a definition with which many political analysts in France seem to have concurred. In this article Bastow analyses the extent to which the characterization is a true one. First, he outlines the context in which Mégret formed the MNR, focusing on his political background and the strategy which he previously sought to impose on the FN. An extended treatment of the policy proposals put forward by the MNR is then followed by an analysis of the extent to which these amount to a break from an ideology which can be identified as extreme right. He concludes by assessing the prospects for the MNR's success.     

Australia and the Baltic States, 1919–1945

Praised by international organizations, Estonia and Slovenia have long been considered among the most successful post-communist states. Estonia quickly transformed itself into one of the most liberal economies in the world, whereas Slovenia opted for a social justice-oriented market economy. Still, the roots of their success coincide in that consensus played a crucial role. We argue that the public sphere was never as repressed in Estonia and Slovenia during the communist period as it was elsewhere. Distinct national identities continued to be formed and re-formed by intellectuals during the decades of communist rule, who assumed roles as political leaders when the transition started. Consensus based on these national identities legitimized reform policies for the entire decade of the 1990s.     

日本观光立国战略模式及启示

在世界上主要发达国家当中,把旅游业作为国家发展战略的除日本之外绝无仅有。研究日本观光立国战略的内容及其政策措施与成效,并在此基础上实现从实践到理论的升华,即从日本观光立国战略的实践总结国家旅游发展战略的模式,进而为中国推动旅游业发展提供理论基础和理论参考。日本观光立国战略模式可以归纳为确定一个战略目标、制定一个战略规划、实施4个重点战略、构建一个支持系统等内容。日本观光立国战略模式对中国制定国家旅游发展战略具有重要的参考价值。     

香港特区基本法第23条的法理分析

香港基本法第23条未使用“授权”的语词,但属于授权条款,特别授权香港特区自行制定维护国家安全的法律,香港特区第23条立法属于特别授权立法,中央监督特区立法的过程及其实施,香港特区第23条立法应以维护国家安全为核心原则,明晰特区居民的权利界限,香港特区行政长官对第23条立法负责,应主导第23条立法。     

论船舶不当滞留在港口国的救济程序

由于各国标准的参差不齐及港口国官员的个人偏见,在港口国监控程序中难免出现船舶的不当滞留。通过对美国、加拿大、澳大利亚三国港口国救济程序案例的分析,指出现有港口国的救济程序中的缺陷,并讨论在船舶不当滞留时,船方如何通过港口国国内途径申诉,有哪些法律问题需要注意,如何更好地实现权利救济。