国家治理现代化的法治解读

推进国家治理体系和治理能力现代化已经成为全面深化改革的重大主题。法治化是国家治理现代化的重要内容,也是其有力保障。法治体现在国家治理现代化的方方面面,是推进国家治理体系和治理能力现代化的重要杠杆。要推进国家治理法治化,就必须实现国家治理理念、治理体系、治理能力、治理方式的法治化。法治是实现国家治理现代化的重要路径,因为法治是国家的法律之治、现代之治、有效之治、稳定之治、长久之治。推进国家治理现代化,必须从国家治理体系和治理能力现代化的各个方面入手,深入开展全面依法治国的实践。     

Conflict of interest regulation in European parliaments: Studying the evolution of complex regulatory regimes

The growing complexity of parliamentary ethics regulation adopted over the last decades makes the systematic examination of its nature and the rationales underpinning regulatory choices an important endeavor. In this paper we introduce conceptualizations and measurements of conflict of interest (COI) regulation directed toward assuring the impartial and unbiased decisionmaking of national parliamentarians. We distinguish the strictness of rules, the nature of enforcement, sanctions, and transparency requirements as core elements defining COI regimes. Applying our framework to 27 European democracies, we select two cases for in‐depth analysis in which legislators chose very different solutions in response to growing pressures to regulate themselves, to inductively explore the drivers underpinning the choice of COI mechanisms: the United Kingdom, which adopted a highly transparency‐oriented regime, and Belgium, which adopted a highly sanction‐oriented COI regime. Echoing neo‐institutionalist perspectives, the longitudinal analyses indicate how the two democracies’ different institutional environments shape distinct answers to similar functional pressures.     

社会工作“绿色转向”的本土思想资源——对费孝通相关论述的考察

面对日益严重的环境危机,西方社会工作发生了“绿色转向”,并对我国产生了一定影响。中国社会工作在接受西方影响的同时,也要关注相应的本土思想资源。费孝通围绕“天人合一”“消遣经济”“人文生态”所作的论述,对于推动中国社会工作的“绿色转向”具有重要意义。首先,费孝通从差序格局的角度对“天人合一”所做的社会学解读,有助于我们走出西方社会工作“绿色转向”中的潜在张力。其次,作为一种源自本土的经济态度和生活方式,费孝通所说的“消遣经济”为我们探寻有别于消费主义的生活方式和另类社区发展道路提供了本土经验参照。最后,从费孝通对“人文生态”的强调中可以看到,在当前的社会处境下,“发展”仍然是中国面临的重要任务,保护自然环境并非放弃发展以及对自然的开发利用,而是将自然生态保护与人文生态建设结合起来。     

一体化背景下的国家安全 战略能力探讨

能力是实现国家安全战略目标的基础,在国家安全战略实践中,能力是重中之重,但国家安全理论对能力问题的探讨却有所不足。国家安全战略能力是国家安全理论中的新概念,与国家安全能力、国家战略能力等传统概念既有联系又有区别,主要是指推动和落实国家安全战略的能力。随着国家安全概念不断拓展,国家安全战略能力也需要放在一体化的国家战略体系背景下深化分析。一体化概念运用到国家安全领域时,主要指统筹安全与发展的关系、各安全领域之间的关系、体系与能力的关系。国家行为主体建设和运用国家安全战略能力时,需要统筹这三对关系进行思考。一体化背景下,在国家安全战略能力要素方面,需要注意到战略资源、转化机制和谋划水平的拓展与延伸;在国家安全战略能力的结构方面,需要注意国家安全战略能力建设和运用各环节、各安全领域战略能力、国内外安全战略能力的变化。文章结合中国所处的当前战略环境,认为一体化背景下提升中国国家安全战略能力的主要途径包括强化战略领导能力、聚合国际国内资源、优化能力转化机制、军民融合发展和强化人才队伍建设。     

中国国家安全法治研究四十年: 回眸与展望

中国国家安全法治研究整体上历经起步探索(1978～1993)、逐步发展(1994～20102009)、全面发展(2010～2014)以及总体国家安全观指引(2014年至今)四个阶段。每一阶段的国家安全法治研究都脱离不开其时代背景。贯穿四十年的国家安全法治研究的主题是,围绕“国家安全”法律内涵即国家安全法治研究本体论展开多维度思考与探索。其研究重点涵盖国家安全法律体系研究、国家安全法与部门法的关系、国家安全法学科独立性及其发展等方面。法律意义上“国家安全”的内涵也经历了从“传统(政治)安全”到“总体国家安全观”的转变过程。针对实践需要,国家安全法治研究日益深化和繁荣。在总体国家安全观指引下,新时代国家安全法治研究面临的时代命题包括相关法律体系的建构和阐释,深化国家安全法与相关法律的有机衔接研究,研究方法创新与满足各领域国家安全保障的现实需要,等等。未来仍要坚持聚焦国家安全法治基本问题的研究。     

党内法规与国家法:关联、区别及其关系之协调

党内法规与国家法同属于法的范畴,都是制度理性的产物。二者具有类同性,既相互保障,又相互制约,同时又在制定主体与实施主体、效力来源、适用的对象与领域、规范逻辑以及对公开性的要求方面存在着明显区别。作为我国社会主义法治体系的共同支撑,党内法规与国家法作为社会治理规则而在社会治理方面发挥作用时,难免会因其不同而产生冲突或不协调,而这种不协调显然会对我国全面推进依法治国战略及全面从严治党战略带来负面影响。为此,需要协调二者之间的关系。     

Beyond protest and discontent: A cross‐national analysis of the effect of populist attitudes and issue positions on populist party support

Studies on populist parties – or ‘supply‐side populism’ more generally – are numerous. Nevertheless, the connection with demand‐side dynamics, and particularly the populist characteristics or tendencies of the electorate, requires more scholarly attention. This article examines in more detail the conditions underlying the support for populist parties, and in particular the role of populist attitudes amongst citizens. It asks two core questions: (1) are populist party supporters characterised by stronger populist attitudes than other party supporters, and (2) to what extent do populist (and other) attitudes contribute to their party preference? The analysis uses fixed effect models and relies on a cross‐sectional research design that uses unique survey data from 2015 and includes nine European countries. The results are threefold. First, in line with single‐country studies, populist attitudes are prominent among supporters of left‐ and right‐wing populist parties in particular. Second, populist attitudes are important predictors of populist party support in addition to left‐wing socioeconomic issue positions for left‐wing populist parties, and authoritarian and anti‐immigration issue positions for right‐wing populist parties. Third, populist attitudes moderate the effect of issue positions on the support for populist parties, particularly for individuals whose positions are further removed from the extreme ends of the economic or cultural policy scale. These findings suggest that strong populist attitudes may encourage some voters to support a populist party whose issue positions are incongruous with their own policy‐related preferences.     

The opposition deficit in EU accountability: Evidence from over 20 years of plenary debate in four member states

Debates about the European Union's democratic legitimacy put national parliaments into the spotlight. Do they enhance democratic accountability by offering visible debates and electoral choice about multilevel governance? To support such accountability, saliency of EU affairs in the plenary ought to be responsive to developments in EU governance, has to be linked to decision‐making moments and should feature a balance between government and opposition. The recent literature discusses various partisan incentives that support or undermine these criteria, but analyses integrating these arguments are rare. This article provides a novel comparative perspective by studying the patterns of public EU emphasis in more than 2.5 million plenary speeches from the German Bundestag, the British House of Commons, the Dutch Tweede Kamer and the Spanish Congreso de los Diputados over a prolonged period from 1991 to 2015. It documents that parliamentary actors are by and large responsive to EU authority and its exercise where especially intergovernmental moments of decision making spark plenary EU salience. But the salience of EU issues is mainly driven by government parties, decreases in election time and is negatively related to public Euroscepticism. The article concludes that national parliaments have only partially succeeded in enhancing EU accountability and suffer from an opposition deficit in particular.     

Debating War and Peace: US Congress and the Domestic Legitimization of Military Interventions

This article investigates how members of US Congress legitimized their votes in four cases of military interventions after the Cold War (Iraq 1991, 2002–2009; Somalia 1993; Libya 2011). Using an original dataset on congressional rhetoric, the qualitative content analysis highlights that the domestic legitimization of military interventions hinges on members of Congress’s perception of external threats and national interests. So far, international relations research focused on the executive and the war powers literature offered mainly quantitative accounts on voting patterns within the legislative branch―especially for the US case. The relevance of national interest arguments within congressional debates confirms the expectations of neoclassical realism while contradicting previous studies about a dominant discourse in US society, which legitimizes interventions with universal values, such as democracy promotion or human rights.     

Developing political trust in a developing country: the impact of institutional and cultural factors on political trust in Ghana

Political distrust is often widespread in African countries, but the prospects for increasing trust are uncertain given the lack of research on the origins of political trust in the region. Using the 2013 NSS Survey in Ghana and employing hierarchical regression analyses, we develop a model of institutional trust based on insights from both cultural and institutional performance theories. The results clearly support the superiority of institutional performance theories while at the same time providing limited support for cultural explanations. National pride, however, does also substantially encourage institutional trust. This asks for future, cultural-specific studies on trust-building in developing countries trying to establish working institutions using more representative, cross-national, and longitudinal data.