非政府组织与世界贸易组织争端解决机制

本文叙述了非政府组织作为“法庭之友”参与WTO争端解决机制的理论与实践及其纷争,对此作了较为深入的价值分析和理论阐释,进而提出了解决这一问题的可能思路、制度设计和情境设置,并指出了其对于国际经济法理论与实践发展趋势的意义蕴涵。本文认为,“法庭之友”问题表明WTO争端解决机制必须谋求外交方法与司法方法的平衡,尤其应该确认争端解决机制的司法独立和自由裁量,并应从多重视域中谋求一种多元互动的解决之道。     

Conductive Activism: Anti-Sweatshop Campaigns across Hong Kong and Mainland China

This study looks at trans-border, anti-sweatshop campaigns and the transformation of cross-border activism between Hong Kong and mainland China. Examining two cases, it demonstrates the mechanism and processes of trans-border, anti-sweatshop campaigns and networks involving non-governmental agencies, student groups and workers. The study suggests that anti-sweatshop activism has been conductive and transferrable from Hong Kong to China in a way that has mobilised local civil society power, cultivated mainland activists and nurtured localised pro-labour activism. With Hong Kong activists acting as movement conveyers and mainland activists acting as adapters, anti-sweatshop activism has evolved. Once centred on marketplaces and consumers, it is now centred on production sites, and has moved domestic actors (including workers, students, scholars, media and consumers) from the margins to the centre. Anti-sweatshop activism has moulded itself to local contexts by rebuilding its strategies and tactics while coalescing with overseas networks to integrate strengths across the Hong Kong-Chinese border. Although the anti-sweatshop movement in China has its weaknesses, its evolution has the potential to gradually alter the power asymmetries between domestic and overseas activists.     

Civic Participation and Citizenship in Turkey: A Comparative Study of Five Cities

This study explores whether and how participation in civil society organisations (CSOs) has transformed citizenship attitudes in different cities in Turkey, and how civic participation and citizenship attitudes are affected by local politico-cultural dynamics. The analysis is based on interviews conducted with representatives of 36 CSOs in five Turkish cities: Konya, Edirne, Diyarbakir, Trabzon, and Izmir. Our comparative analysis of the five cities reveals that civic life is more active in cities marked by high levels of religiosity (Konya) and politicised by conflict (Diyarbakir). On the other hand, politicisation of civic life through party dominance and clientelism, as in Edirne and Trabzon, undermines trust and discourages participation.     

治安主体要双抓——论强化非政府主体的必要性

传统观念认为,政府警察机构是维护社会治安秩序的主体。但是,随着社会的发展,私人保安、社会自治组织等社会治安组织也参与社会治安管理工作,与警察机构合作、互动,共同维护社会秩序。我国的治安主体已呈现出多元化趋势,因此在研究治安主体时,应解决"一手硬,一手软"的问题。在加强政府主体的同时,还要强化非政府主体,两者双管齐下,共同维护社会秩序。     

国际关系、全球治理和妇女非政府组织

随着冷战的结束和全球化步伐的加快,“全球治理”逐步成为国际关系中的一个重要话题。全球治理的主体不仅有各国政府,还包括各种政府间组织和国际非政府组织,妇女非政府组织是其中的一支活跃力量。它们积极关注危害整个人类的各种全球性问题的解决,并极力敦促将社会性别意识纳入决策主流,使女性主义国际关系理论的基本信念得到充分的体现。     

European‐Chinese relations in the Nineties

In recent decades, there have been many international campaigns on numerous issues. In turn, scholars have analysed the activist networks promoting human rights, environmental quality and global justice, developing theories of transnational advocacy, strategies and outcomes. However, analysts have seldom noted that the ‘progressive’ networks on which these theories have been based seldom act unopposed. Instead, on numerous global issues leftwing groups face fierce opposition from networks of rightwing activists. This article provides examples of such clashes, focusing on these understudied conservative networks. In addition, it outlines a theory for understanding the conflict of networks over many policy issues.     

Commodities and economic growth

The process of social integration of the people associated with immigrant organisations, and the social (and potentially religious) change that comes with it, present the organisations with the difficult challenge of justifying their legitimacy to various societal actors. This is certainly true of Muslim organisations in Western immigration societies. In Germany, this process is quite clearly reflected within the community of established organisations, which play a part in creating intergenerational change. This is not to say, however, that they will be the only relevant – or even the predominant – actors involved in establishing Islam in Germany in the future, despite their roots in their countries of origin, nor that they will automatically become redundant over time.     

Relational representation: an agency-based approach to global justice

This paper argues that Amartya Sen’s comparative approach to justice requires a politics that is attentive to the agency of the other. Rethinking representation as a relational, rather than a sovereign, concept captures the relationship between agency and justice that is emerging in global politics today. It is increasingly common that non-governmental actors engage with communities through practices of trust and responsibility without appeal to political authority. Relational representation helps clarify the dynamics of these relationships and provides a way to think about their purpose. That purpose is to effect changes that ameliorate suffering and injustice, working to re-present the represented persons as more capable persons, more free to use their agency.