Will the Government Catch the Wind?

The government's Renewable Obligation system aims to supply 10 per cent of UK electricity from renewable sources by 2010. Although the headlines suggest that planning controversies hamper these objectives, by the summer of 2004 enough capacity had been given planning consent to supply 4 per cent of UK electricity from new renewable energy sources. Enough renewable capacity to supply 7 per cent of UK electricity from renewables will probably be operational by 2010. The bulk of this is coming from onshore wind power, especially based in Scotland, and also offshore wind power. The offshore schemes are more expensive and need additional support outside the Renewable Obligation. The Conservatives have promised to bring in planning curbs for onshore wind power. There is pressure for more nuclear power, but this is likely to be impossible to finance without a very large subsidy from the Department of Trade and Industry.     

论"经济外交"视野下的中俄关系

随着国际形势的缓和,经济合作因素在国际关系中的地位有所提高;随着中俄之间安全问题的解决,经济合作正逐步成为两国关系发展的新动力,这些为中俄推行“经济外交”创造了前提条件。中俄两国同时推行“经济外交”将为两国经济合作水平的提升提供难得的历史机遇,但由于“经济外交”具有两重性、非主导性和阶段性的特点,也将给两国带来如何协调彼此经济利益和政策带来现实挑战。     

西方国家新闻媒体同外交决策的关系

西方国家的“媒体外交”,也就是利用新闻媒介来推进外交政策的方式近来已经成为外交学的新领域。在定义“媒体外交”的基础上,本文主要探讨媒体外交盛行的客观条件,并集中讨论西方国家新闻媒介对政府外交决策的作用以及政府在某种程度上得以控制媒介报道的基础和手段。     

Economic Sanctions and Political Repression: Assessing the Impact of Coercive Diplomacy on Political Freedoms

This article offers a thorough analysis of the unintended impact economic sanctions have on political repression—referred to in this study as the level of the government respect for democratic freedoms and human rights. We argue that economic coercion is a counterproductive policy tool that reduces the level of political freedoms in sanctioned countries. Instead of coercing the sanctioned regime into reforming itself, sanctions inadvertently enhance the regime’s coercive capacity and create incentives for the regime’s leadership to commit political repression. Cross-national time series data support our argument, confirming that the continued use of economic sanctions (even when aimed at promoting political liberalization and respect for human rights) will increase the level of political repression. These findings suggest that both scholars and policy makers should pay more attention to the externalities caused by economic coercion.

A diplomatic failure: the Mexican role in the demise of the 1940 Reglamento Federal de Toxicomanías

Abstract

In 1940 Mexico implemented a new revolutionary strategy in its fight against drug trafficking and addiction with a policy that legalized the sale of morphine to opiate addicts. While this approach to drug addiction was not entirely new or unique, it was strongly opposed by the United States, which responded by declaring an embargo on narcotic shipments to Mexico. As a result, Mexico was forced to abandon the plan just a few months after it was implemented. Often seen as a moment when Mexico might have gone in a different, less prohibitionist drug-policy direction, this episode has been overwhelmingly interpreted as an early and striking example of U.S. drug-control imperialism in Latin America. While such interpretations are not incorrect, they have missed an equally critical element of the story—a series of catastrophic diplomatic failures on the Mexican side which undermined various opportunities Mexico had to salvage the policy in some form. The episode thus stands in contrast to more well-known diplomatic challenges during the period in which Mexico’s diplomats have been lauded for outmaneuvering their U.S. and European counterparts.     

Thailand: an old relationship renewed

The relationship between Thailand and China has been both long and complicated, with periods of conflict associated with, for example, the cold war. In recent years, and especially following the Asian Economic Crisis, there has been a blossoming of the relationship, built on careful diplomacy, a renewal of interest in ethnicity and expanding business dealings and rising bilateral investment. In the contemporary period, the relationship has reached a new high. Since Thailand's military junta came to power in 2014, China has been a significant diplomatic, economic and strategic partner. Part of the explanation for this has to do with the junta's inability to deal with the USA following the coup. This article suggests that the turn to China has much to do with Thailand's turbulent domestic politics. In examining this bilateral relationship, this article addresses issues related to infrastructure, business and trade, military co-operation and cultural relations.     

从普京出访看俄罗斯亚洲外交

2000年俄罗斯外交十分活跃．从7月份开始．普京总统先后出访了中国、朝鲜、日本、印度和蒙古五国。其亚洲之行的主要目的是与亚洲国家加强合作．共同反对美国主导的单极世界．维护全球战略平衡密切与亚太国家的经济联系．加速西伯利亚和远东的开发维护周边地区的和平与稳定恢复和扩大俄罗斯在亚太地区的影响．加强俄全方位外交的力度．增强同美国等西方大国在欧洲对抗的筹码。     

日本外交中的机会主义与对华行动选择

日本外交理念中具有鲜明的机会主义性格,主要特征表现为原则性的缺失与利益至上、"变色龙"式的投机性格和务实的现实主义价值取向。日本外交及时顺应国际环境的变化而进行调整,通过不断的随风转向推行于己有利的举措,以谋求国家利益的最大化。     

“争常”失败后日本对非战略新态势

2005年"争常"失败后,日本政府改变了过去长期冷落非洲的外交政策,开始把非洲真正地纳入其全球战略架构中来。加大援非力度,改革援非方案,以对抗气候变暖和环境保护为重点,突出环境外交,全面发展与非洲各国的关系,日本对非战略出现新态势。其基本动因在于,适应新的国际形势变化的需要,反思"争常"失败后的经验和教训,通过发挥日本"环境外交"的优势,扩大其在非洲的影响,这种对非战略的新态势将对中国对非外交构成较大的压力和挑战。     

The Nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty in Jeopardy? Internal Divisions and the Impact of World Politics

The frustration of non-nuclear weapon states about the lack of progress in nuclear disarmament has reached boiling point: a vast majority of them have supported a resolution in the UN General Assembly that establishes a negotiation forum for concluding a prohibition of nuclear weapons in 2017. Rising tension among the nuclear powers and populist movements feeding nationalist emotions make it unlikely that the situation will change for the better in the near future. It is thus possible that the NPT might be eroded or, in the worst case scenario, simply collapse because of diminishing support.