冷战后日本防务外交特点及发展趋势浅析

20世纪70年代日本提出"专守防卫"战略,尽管目前日本政府仍然声称坚持"专守防卫"基本方针,可是冷战后,日本"专守防卫"战略的原则已被突破,正向"主动先制"方向转变。随着美国"重返亚太战略"的不断推进,日本也借机拉拢地区国家,在海洋划界和岛屿归属问题上对中国进行发难,直接威胁了我国领土完整和海洋利益,为此有必要对日本防务外交的发展趋势加以研究,以制定应对之策。     

Terrorism and trust

Trust enables us to simplify and understand complicated realities and orientate ourselves in them, which we do through symbolic systems, including myth and religion. Terrorism results when those systems generate extreme distrust, especially between ethnic or religious groups. Within nation-states pre-conditions of trust include normative coherence, stability, openness and accountability. In international relations these pre-conditions are more difficult to establish. But it is still possible. The process usually includes reaction to a crisis, the creation of good personal relationships between leaders, mutual concessions, well-documented agreements with provision for verification, and opportunities for populations to get to know each other.     

前行中的困顿:京都时代与后京都时代的俄罗斯气候环境外交

2010年底的坎昆会议见证了气候谈判的紧张程度,各国出于各自的利益考虑,艰难地达成了两项应对气候变化的决议,推动气候谈判进程继续向前。京都议定书的第一阶段即将结束,未来的环境合作如何进行,仍旧是一个变数。作为气候环境领域的一个参与者,俄罗斯的作用不可低估。但是,俄罗斯的气候环境外交却显示出矛盾的特色,这不仅表现在签署京都议定书的立场上前后变化较大,而且表现在俄罗斯政府对温室气体减排的态度上。从京都时代和后京都时代的转型过程看,俄罗斯气候环境外交的特点可以概括为"断裂与延续",即断裂的立场和连续的利益战略,国内国际的分离与一致,单边与多边的断裂与全球领导的一致性。这些因素长期影响着俄罗斯气候环境外交的思维,并呈现出前行中困顿的状态。     

第一次俄朝“密约”事件新论

甲申政变后，中国和日本有在朝鲜发生战争的可能，于是朝鲜一年里几次请求俄国在中日发生战争时保护朝鲜。俄国鉴于朝鲜复杂的国际局势和自己在东北亚地区的实力，没有答应，因而两国没有缔结俄国保护朝鲜、朝鲜给予俄国一些特权的秘密条约。但是各国对俄国插手朝鲜事务持有极强的警惕性，朝鲜的“引俄”行为及俄国的表现被夸大，都采取了阻止俄朝接近的措施，这就是第一次俄朝“密约”事件。此次事件无论是对当事国——朝鲜和俄国，还是对在朝鲜有重大利益关系的国家——中国、日本都产生了很大影响，各国纷纷调整了对外政策或对朝鲜政策。     

多边外交是构建和谐世界的平台——重新认识多边外交

中华人民共和国成立之后,中国外交在相当长的时间内以双边外交为主。自1971年恢复我国在联合国席位之后,中国积极开展多边外交。此后,我国多边外交的发展大体上经历了三个阶段:一、局部参与联合国的活动;二、多边外交政策大调整,全面参与联合国的活动;三、积极进取,开展多边外交,为构建和谐世界而努力。在胡锦涛主席提出的“和谐世界”这一重要理念的指导下,多边外交作为构建和谐世界的平台,将为中国外交开创一个新局面。     

US state crimes related to nuclear weapons: Is there hope for change in the Obama administration?

Given the long history of US state crimes related to nuclear weapons and the aggressive unilateralism of the George W. Bush administration that compounded these crimes, the election of Barack Obama created a “hope” for “change” in American nuclear weapons policy. While it is too early to render any conclusive judgment, we offer a preliminary assessment of the Obama record with regard to nuclear weapons based on a number of significant policy statements made and official actions taken, including Obama's 2009 Prague speech, the signing of the new START agreement in April 2010, the administration's 2010 Nuclear Posture Review, the Washington DC Nuclear Security Summit, and the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty Review Conference of 2010. Although the new administration has taken some steps to reduce the likelihood of the use or threat to use nuclear weapons, we conclude that under President Obama the US continues to be in violation of the solemn legal obligation to disarm as imposed by the NPT treaty of 1968. We also briefly note some of the structural and cultural factors related to the American empire that hinders any president from changing American nuclear weapons policy.     

SNRPN基因rs220030位点的分型及甲基化亲缘相关性

目的建立变性梯度凝胶电泳(denaturing gradient gel electrophoresis,DGGE)技术与焦磷酸测序技术对小核核糖核蛋白多肽N(small nuclear ribonucleoprotein polypeptide N,SNRPN)基因rs220030位点的分型方法。建立应用焦磷酸测序技术分析CpG甲基化状态的方法,探讨rs220030位点用于亲缘等位基因判定的可行性。方法应用DGGE技术对97例上海地区汉族家系血样rs220030位点进行分型,同时应用焦磷酸测序技术对其中25例血液来源的家系样本的rs220030位点分型,并对两种方法在SNP分型结果上进行比较。通过重亚硫酸盐修饰联合焦磷酸测序技术分析随机2组家系样本rs220030位点上游CpG甲基化状态,判断甲基化是否有亲缘相关性。结果经DGGE检测97例家系血样rs220030位点分型结果为C纯合子20例,T纯合子29例,C/T杂合子48例。经焦磷酸测序检测25例血液来源的家系样本结果与DGGE检测结果一致。经重亚硫酸盐修饰联合焦磷酸测序技术分析,2组血液来源的家系子代的rs220030位点上游CpG甲基化状态均与母亲较相似。结论相比DGGE技术,焦磷酸测序技术更精确、方便,适合大样本、高通量SNP分型。重亚硫酸盐修饰联合焦磷酸测序技术可以精确分析CpG甲基化状态。rs220030位点可用于亲缘等位基因判定。     

Japanese Cultural Diplomacy in Action: The Zenrin kyōkai in Inner Mongolia, 1933-45

In studies of Japanese “cultural diplomacy” between 1933 and 1945, the part played by the Zenrin kyōkai (Good Neighbour Association), a semi-official humanitarian organisation that provided medical assistance and educational opportunities to the Mongols and Hui (Han Chinese Muslims) living on the fringe of the Chinese Republic, has been largely overlooked. Dismissed by some as merely a front for intelligence-gathering operations, this article re-examines the operations of the Zenrin kyōkai, both in Inner Mongolia and in Japan, and argues that the relationship between it and the military was more complex than earlier studies have shown. In particular, the humanitarian activities of the Zenrin kyōkai went beyond military control and set the organisation apart from the other main agents of Japanese “cultural diplomacy” active in the region. Although not always successful in its attempts to woo the local population, the Zenrin kyōkai was a crucial instrument of the Japanese imperial project in the region and a reflexion of the complexity of that project.     

The role of parliament in South Africacs foreign policy development process: lessons from the United States' Congress

For most democracies across the world, legislative engagement in foreign policy development has traditionally been limited to ratification of international agreements and oversight of the executive. While the Parliament of South Africa tends to adhere to this traditional approach, deferring to the executive on matters of foreign policy, this paper argues that a collaborative approach between the legislative and executive branches as articulated in the South African constitution must rather form the basis of South Africa's foreign policy development process. Moreover, by comparing the parliament of South Africa, a legislature with limited policy influence, to the United States’ Congress, a policy making legislature, it becomes clear from Congress that political will in employing constitutional power is the most important factor in ensuring legislative engagement in foreign policy decision making.     

Afro‐Chinese relations: An evolving South‐South partnership

A detailed look at the historical and recent developments leading to the current Afro‐Sino relationship and the implications it has for South‐South relations in a changing global order.