苏联核工程初级阶段人才培养研究（1945-1955）

在1945-1955年的初级阶段,苏联核工程面临人才短缺的严重问题.高校成为苏联培养核人才的主要途径.苏联领导层运用高度集权的政治体制和高度集中的计划经济体制,在很短时间内就建立起以莫斯科大学为核心、由17所高校组成的人才培养体系,为苏联核工程输送了大量高级专业人才.除此之外,苏联还通过大专中专、函授教育、短期训练班等方式,为苏联核工程培养中级和基层技术力量.在起步阶段的十年时间里,苏联核工程人才培养体系得以建立,人才短缺的问题基本得到解决.     

Security,Not Defence,Strategic, Not Habit: Restructuring the Political Arrangements for Policy Making on Britain's Role in the World

The Conservative–Liberal Democrat coalition government has committed itself to a Strategic Defence and Security Review (SDR) in 2010. The government and the country face very hard choices to bring United Kingdom defence and security policy back from the brink of bankruptcy—both financial and strategic (Gow). To succeed, it must overcome the failings of the past (Chisnall, Dorman, Rees) and take a truly open and radical look at all aspects of policy and process—including the Trident independent nuclear deterrent (Allen), relations with Europe (Witney) and the importance of cyber‐issues in the future security context (Fisher). It must get strategic concepts right to provide flexibility with credibility (Stone). It must deliver ‘what the military wants’: true strategic prioritisation, radical defence acquisition reform, and credible balancing of resources and commitments (Kiszley). The scale of the challenge facing the United Kingdom in—and beyond—the 2010 SDR is why The Political Quarterly convened a workshop early in 2010 involving MPs, practitioners, retired military personnel, journalists, commentators, business people and academics, and publishes these associated papers. Most of all, to overcome the failings of the past, there must be a radical move beyond the welcome first steps of the Cameron–Clegg government to introduce a National Security Council and a National Security Advisor, to reconfigure relationships within government, across departments and with Parliament to have a government figure of accountability and responsibility—a Secretary of State for Security Policy, primus inter pares with other Secretaries of State—to make sense of the questions needing to be asked and answered (Gearson and Gow).     

论戈尔什科夫的国家海上威力论及其现实意义——以海权理论为视角

苏联戈尔什科夫的国家海上威力论是海权理论在冷战期间发展的一个高峰。国家海上威力论认为大洋对人类生活具有非常重要的意义,国家有必要发展自己的海上威力。国家海上威力由海军、运输船队、捕鱼船队、科学考察船队等组成。海军的主要任务是对海作战和对陆打击等等。苏联红海军在国家海上威力论的指导下成为足以与美国海军相抗衡的强大海上武装力量。然而,国家海上威力论存在的缺陷与不足也给苏联的海权发展和海军建设带来了严重的后果,值得海权领域的学者深思。     

几种中药成分的免疫增强活性及其作用效果

测定了黄芪多糖等9种中药成分对正常小鼠脾和外周血淋巴细胞增殖反应的影响,并观察了这些中药成分对兔瘟组织灭活疫苗的增强免疫效果。结果表明,人参皂甙、黄芪多糖、淫羊藿多糖、当归多糖和蜂胶黄酮能显著增强伴刀豆球蛋白(ConA)和脂多糖(LPS)诱导的小鼠淋巴细胞增殖,提高免疫兔抗体水平和延长抗体持续时间;板蓝根多糖能增强ConA和LPS的诱导活性,蜂胶多糖能促进ConA的诱导活性,黄芪皂甙和淫羊藿黄酮能促进LPS诱导的淋巴细胞增殖,但它们都不能提高兔瘟组织灭活疫苗的免疫抗体水平。     

面对城市与农村的两难抉择——对河北翟城村分离的核心家庭的考察

本文以中国的社会变迁、家庭变革为背景,通过对河北翟城村的实际考察,揭示出一种特殊的家庭结构形式--分离的核心家庭.它符合人类家庭发展的基本趋势,但受中国这一特殊场域的制约,具体地说是受到中国的制度结构及农民自身理性选择的影响,又呈现出自身的特点.本文试图对这一家庭结构的形成、及它对家庭和社会的影响做一分析和探讨.     

美日援俄处理俄太平洋舰队退役核潜艇问题之比较

冷战时期苏联建造的核潜艇到20世纪90年代大部分已经达到或超过服役期，处理数以百计的退役核潜艇对俄罗斯而言是一项艰巨的任务。争取国际社会的支持，开展国际合作是俄解决该问题的必要条件。美国和日本在该问题上的对俄合作表现比较突出，对俄援助活动异同相伴，虽有变化但合作仍为主要趋势。     

析《不扩散核武器条约》

1968年1月，英国、美国和苏联等59个国家签署了《不扩散核武器条约》，并于1970年3月正式生效。国际核不扩散体制主要以《不扩散核武器条约》为基石。虽然该条约只有11个条文，但是它在实现全面彻底核裁军、维护世界和平与安全的国际法制进程中具有划时代的意义。同时条约也存在某些概念模糊不清、对非核武器缔约国的歧视、退出条款限制不够、国际原子能机构的核查权限等问题。要真正实现全面彻底防核扩散的目标，国际社会需要努力地对条约作出合理的修订和完善，倡导以条约为基础的多边合作。     

微生物物证检验的核酸分析技术

本文阐述了核酸分析技术中的VNTR／MLVA、PFGE、AFLP、SNP等方法和这些方法在生物犯罪中的实际应用；对这些方法的特点进行了总结归纳，并提出了我国公安机关在当前形势下发展核酸分析技术的一些建议。     

紫外线照射对牛孤雌激活卵母细胞和体细胞核移植胚胎体外发育的影响

分析了紫外线 (ultraviolet,UV)照射对牛孤雌激活卵母细胞和体细胞核移植胚胎卵裂和体外发育的影响。结果发现 ,经UV照射 2 0s和 40s的卵母细胞孤雌激活后的卵裂率和囊胚发育率都极显著低于UV照射 0s和 1 0s的卵母细胞 (P <0 .0 1 ) ,表明UV照射卵母细胞超过 2 0s降低了孤雌激活胚胎的卵裂和体外发育潜力。核移植中UV照射卵母细胞 2 0s后 ,重组胚的卵裂率极显著低于卵母细胞照射 0s和 1 0s时所构建的重组胚 (P <0 .0 1 ) ,但囊胚发育率无显著差异 (P>0 .0 5 ) ;而UV照射卵母细胞 40s时 ,所构建的重组胚的卵裂率和囊胚发育率都明显低于其他各组 ,表明超过 2 0s的UV照射显著降低了重组胚的卵裂和体外发育潜力。研究结果表明 ,核移植中用UV指导卵母细胞去核时UV照射时间应控制在 2 0s以内 ,UV照射 1 0s对核移植胚胎的发育不产生任何负面影响     

The emotional motivation of righteous behavior

A distinction is made between two types of prosocial behavior: personal-helping and righteous behavior. Past studies suggest that sympathy may motivate personal helping but not righteous behavior. The latter may be better predicted by feelings of moral outrage and existential guilt. An experiment was designed to motivate a piece of righteous behavior, the writing of a political letter to stop the testing of nuclear weapons. A series of premeasures ascertained strength of attitude, sense of efficacy, acceptance of responsibility, and prior antinuclear behavior. Subjects who supported a nuclear freeze were exposed to material advocating a nuclear test ban, a video of a congressional aide who argued for the efficacy of writing letters to congressional representatives, and emotionally arousing material on the bombing of Hiroshima. After answering a questionnaire that included items to measure emotional state, subjects were individually given the opportunity to write a letter as they were waiting to be interviewed. Social pressure was deliberately minimized. Extent of moral outrage predicted both previous behavior and letter-writing behavior during the experiment. It combined with previous behavior and sense of efficacy to predict 56% of the variance in experimental behavior: Neither sympathy nor existential guilt were significantly related to this righteous behavior.