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Sir Richard Dalton 《亚洲事务》2016,47(3):351-365
This article, written by the former British Ambassador to Iran, starts with an overview from an insider's perspective of the 15 years of diplomacy leading up to the July 2015 Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) regarding Iran's Nuclear capabilities. It discusses the merits of the plan and its prospects for the future. It examines the development of international economic engagement, and in particular argues that the western powers need to do far more to deliver an economic quid pro quo for Iran's nuclear concessions: if the situation is not appreciably better soon, it will be impossible for the US and its partners to argue credibly that they are not in breach of the JCPOA. The article concludes with a discussion of Iran's economic and political prospects in the light of the nuclear deal. 相似文献
53.
目的利用气相色谱-质谱法(GC-MS)、液相色谱-四级杆-飞行时间质谱(LC-Q-TOF/MS)和核磁共振光谱法(NMR)研究合成大麻素5F-UR-144遇热分解的具体变化情况。方法对照品用无水乙醇定容稀释后,经GC-MS和LC-Q-TOF/MS检测得到对应的色谱图和质谱图;对照品分别于常温和280℃密封加热后用无水乙醇定容稀释,经LC-Q-TOF/MS和NMR检测得到对应的质谱图、1H和13C核磁共振波谱;对照品分别于常温逐步提升至300℃密封加热后用无水乙醇定容稀释,经LC-Q-TOF/MS检测得到对应的色谱图。结果5F-UR-144在高温下会开环产生新的物质;5F-UR-144从130℃开始分解,随着温度升高分解程度提升,240℃时分解率达到98%;随着温度继续升高,超过260℃,分解产物会碳化。结论基于5F-UR-144的热不稳定性,在检测时应考虑若通过烫食方式吸食5F-UR-144,其进入人体的成分会发生变化;气相色谱或气相色谱-质谱法不适合定量检测5F-UR-144。 相似文献
54.
John Downer 《Regulation & Governance》2014,8(3):287-309
This paper reflects on the credibility of nuclear risk assessment in the wake of the 2011 Fukushima meltdowns. In democratic states, policymaking around nuclear energy has long been premised on an understanding that experts can objectively and accurately calculate the probability of catastrophic accidents. Yet the Fukushima disaster lends credence to the substantial body of social science research that suggests such calculations are fundamentally unworkable. Nevertheless, the credibility of these assessments appears to have survived the disaster, just as it has resisted the evidence of previous nuclear accidents. This paper looks at why. It argues that public narratives of the Fukushima disaster invariably frame it in ways that allow risk‐assessment experts to “disown” it. It concludes that although these narratives are both rhetorically compelling and highly consequential to the governance of nuclear power, they are not entirely credible. 相似文献
55.
John MacDonald 《European Security》2014,23(3):326-343
This article examines the implications of Scottish independence for the UK's nuclear posture. It is argued here that a vote for independence will critically undermine this posture. Since the UK nuclear force operates entirely out of Scotland, and since the Scottish government continues to assert its intention to see nuclear weapons removed from an independent Scotland, it is overwhelmingly likely that a ‘Yes’ vote will prompt a demand for the drawdown of the UK nuclear force in Scotland. If it wished to maintain its nuclear capability, the UK government would then have to make alternative basing arrangements. It is argued here that a host of legal, financial and political difficulties may preclude any such relocation and that Downing Street may ultimately be left with little option but to surrender the UK's nuclear capability. This article concludes that far from weakening the UK, a surrendering of its nuclear posture would result in a stronger and more functional UK military footprint and would bolster the UK's standing in the international arena. 相似文献
56.
Tom Sauer 《European Security》2014,23(1):58-72
There is hardly anybody in Belgium who publicly defends the continued deployment of US tactical nuclear weapons on Belgian territory. The longer these weapons stay, the more the existing nuclear weapons policy and by extension North Atlantic Treaty Organization itself will be regarded as illegitimate. While one should not expect massive demonstrations similar to that at the beginning of the 1980s, the pressure to protest increases. By describing the different societal and political actors in Belgium and their respective views on the possible withdrawal of US tactical nuclear weapons, this article tries to explain the gap between policymakers and citizens on this issue. The main explanatory variables are a low-profile diplomatic culture and the lack of a strong link between the anti-nuclear movement and the political parties in power, resulting in the absence of political leaders at the governmental level, who clearly speak out in favor of withdrawal. 相似文献
57.
Janet I. Lewis 《Regional & Federal Studies》2014,24(5):571-588
AbstractAmong other shortcomings of decentralization reforms undertaken by developing countries since the 1980s, recent research finds that the reforms' primary aim—devolution of authority to localities—has often not been achieved in practice. This article builds on that insight, examining an understudied pathway through which states that have undertaken decentralization can ultimately recentralize power: administrative unit proliferation. Rapid creation of numerous new subnational administrative units is an increasingly common occurrence in developing countries, particularly in sub-Saharan Africa. This phenomenon, I argue, allows for recentralization by reducing the intergovernmental bargaining power and administrative capacity of each subnational unit, as well as by substantially expanding both the reach of the national executive's patronage network and its ability to monitor emergent security threats on its periphery. The article illustrates these mechanisms with evidence from Uganda. 相似文献
58.
伏创宇 《河南省政法管理干部学院学报》2014,(3):41-50
核能规制给行政法带来了重大挑战,行政合法性、行政规则的效力和司法审查的立场都需要予以重新诠释.行政功能保留体现了德国核能规制的权力配置模式,具体表现为开放的法律结构、行政规则的规范具体化效力和司法机关对判断余地的承认.其理论基础包括功能法正当原则、核能法任务履行和实现目的方面的特殊性以及行政权在核能规制中的功能优势.我国需要构建立法推动的核能规制权力模式,在确定基本预防要求的同时坚持开放的法律结构,提升行政规则的正当性,通过法律明晰基本的司法审查标准,避免简单地照搬判断余地理论. 相似文献
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60.
党的十六届六中全会提出“建设社会主义核心价值体系”的科学论断,社会主义核心价值是社会主义和谐文化的核心价值。它以科学的体系,对思想政治教育起了明确核心教育内容的重要意义,并使教育内容体系更加系统化。以社会主义核心价值体系来优化思想政治教育的内容,较之当前思想政治教育内容,有诸多的优点。 相似文献