Which Grievances Make People Support Violence against the State? Survey Evidence from the Niger Delta

Previous research has established a link between oil production and armed conflict in low- and middle-income countries. Oil-related grievances are viewed as a key variable driving resentment and antistate attitudes. However, the off-the-shelf measures of existing studies (oil exports, oil revenues per capita, etc.) measure dependence and richness, not grievances among the population. This article contributes to filling this gap. Relying on an original opinion poll from the conflict-ridden Niger Delta, the analysis shows that both rebel-pursued, collective grievances (unfair oil revenue distribution) and individual grievances (livelihood destruction due to oil production) make people support antistate violence. These results lend micro-level evidence to the grievance mechanism linking oil and (support for) rebellion.     

气相色谱-质谱联用法测定野生和栽培宁前胡中挥发油成分

目的 采用气相色谱-质谱联用法（gas chromatography-mass spectrometry, GC-MS）分析不同生长条件下宁前胡中挥发油成分,研究野生和栽培宁前胡挥发油成分含量及种类的区别。方法 以安徽省宁国市中溪镇野生和栽培宁前胡、宁国市万家乡镇栽培宁前胡、宁国市栽培宁前胡（统货）为样品,采用《中华人民共和国药典》一部甲法提取挥发油,GC-MS分析挥发油化学成分,归一化法计算各组分的相对含量。结果 宁国市中溪镇野生宁前胡总挥发油含量为98.58%,栽培宁前胡总挥发油含量为93.48%;万家乡栽培宁前胡总挥发油含量为99.50%;宁国市栽培宁前胡（统货）总挥发油含量为95.89%。宁前胡挥发油中共鉴定出78个成分,烯烃类为主要化学成分,不同生长条件下宁前胡中烯烃类含量分别为野生宁前胡65.26%,中溪镇栽培宁前胡89.88%,万家乡栽培宁前胡62.08%,栽培宁前胡（统货）66.11%;所有烯烃类成分中,α-蒎烯的含量均最高。结论 野生和栽培宁前胡中挥发油成分差异较大,可以通过闻“气”辨别野生前胡与栽培前胡。     

Gunning for security governance in a resource-rich African state? Interrogating militarisation in a democratic Nigeria

ABSTRACT

This article examines the socio-historical factors that underpin the political sociology of militarism in Nigeria. In spite of subscribing to a democratic constitution and several regional mechanisms that advance democratic values, security governance in Nigeria has been marked by the increasing use of military force in responding to perceived threats posed by armed militias in the oil-rich Niger Delta. I argue that the securitisation of oil is fuels militarisation, facilitated by local, national and international actors. The turn to democratisation and changing conceptions of security have reinforced rather than reined in militarism, which results in a competitive and often violent politics between national, local and global security and military actors over access to and control of oil resources. These dynamics also result in dangerous socio-economic and political consequences for Niger Delta communities.     

论船舶油污损害的损失分担

船舶油污损害损失分担是指由导致油污损害的船舶所有人、石油进口商和船旗国等主体,按照一定的归责原则和赔偿序位,对船舶跨界油污损害的受害者所遭受的损失分担赔偿义务的法律机制。从20世纪60年代末开始,国际社会逐步建立了船舶油污损害损失分担的制度模式,确立了民事责任人的限额民事责任和石油进口方的限额赔偿义务,但没有涉及船旗国的国际赔偿责任。从船舶油污损害损失分担的概念入手,对现行分担船舶油污损害损失的主体及其局限性进行分析,论述建立有船旗国参与的船舶油污损害三级赔偿机制的基本框架及其意义。     

船舶油污损害公约在中国的适用问题研究

根据国际法理论,条约在内国法上的效力由一国国内法予以规定。面对目前中国国内法规定对于船舶油污损害公约在中国的适用位阶和适用边界并不明确的问题,一种适当的解释方法应当是:与船舶油污法规相比,在中国,船舶油污损害公约应当优先适用,并且这种优先效力当然及于涉外情形。不过在非涉外情形下,立法意旨和倾向表明国内法应当予以适用。     

由渤海溢油事件引发的对海洋伦理建设的思考

目前,渤海湾溢油事件已成为公众关注的焦点,在整个事件中,事故责任方、执法部门和公众都对此次事件给予了不同的回应。造成此次事故的原因是多方面的,而海洋伦理的缺失是发生事故的关键。造成海洋伦理失范的原因既有价值观方面的原因,也有利益驱动、法律制度的缺失以及监管不到位等原因。因此,相应的海洋伦理建设需要从多方面着手,构建人海和谐的新海洋伦理观,以杜绝此类悲剧的再次发生。     

中俄原油管道线路方案变更原因浅析

2011年1月,按照"泰纳线"方案建设的中俄原油管道正式投入使用。在十余年的方案变更过程中,中、日、俄分别提出了"安大线"、"安纳线"、"泰纳线"三套管线线路方案。在"安大线"与"安纳线"间犹豫后,俄罗斯最终选择了"泰纳线"。其原因包括确保管线控制权、开拓广阔亚太市场、振兴远东经济、"尤科斯事件"影响与保护贝加尔湖生态五个方面。     

Managing anti-China nationalism in Vietnam: evidence from the media during the 2014 oil rig crisis

When confronted with an external provocation, do governments with control over the domestic media environment respond with hawkish propaganda to stir up nationalist sentiments? Vietnam's propaganda strategy during the 2014 Haiyang Shiyou 981 oil rig crisis with China is used as a case to answer this question. Based on an analysis of 570 Vietnamese newspaper articles, I argue that Vietnam managed to adopt a middle approach that included tough rhetoric to criticize Chinese actions, but also avoided overplaying the nationalist card. Instead of openly intensifying anti-China sentiments, the government tried to channel popular anger and animosity into a more positive form of pro-government nationalism. The media highlighted the need for national unity, encouragement for maritime enforcement officers, relief for affected fishermen, and above all, confidence in the government's ability to resolve the situation. Contentious historical issues between China and Vietnam were downplayed in the process. This finding helps to shed light on the development of anti-foreign nationalism in Vietnam. While leaders are compelled to respond strongly to a real provocation, they try to keep a lid on anti-China sentiments for reasons of domestic stability.     

Natural resource policies and standard of living in Kazakhstan

This paper evaluates Kazakhstan's natural resource policies and their impact on the standard of living of the Kazakhstan population within the framework of three determinative factors: globalization and international markets; Soviet legacy and ‘resource nationalism’; and Nursultan Nazarbayev and his authoritarian leadership. It argues that natural resource policies of Kazakhstan failed to improve the living standards of the majority of people in Kazakhstan, especially the poor and those living in oil-producing and rural areas, despite increasing oil prices and revenues. The argument will be supported with an analysis of Kazakhstan's oil wealth distribution in light of global initiatives as well as with evidence derived from official reports and statistical data to find out whether Nazarbayev's widely discussed ‘resource nationalism’ is ‘nationalistic’ enough to favour the whole nation.     

Social,environmental and economic sustainability of Kazakhstan: a long-term perspective

This paper explores the evolution of Kazakhstan's development through an analysis of population trends, infant mortality, air emissions, water management, oil production, income, cost of living and average salary. The longitudinal data analysis demonstrates that the development of Kazakhstan during the Soviet period was far from sustainable in terms of uncontrolled environmental pollution. Time-series analysis illustrates that the 1990s transition to the market economy temporarily eased environmental degradation but also brought about initial socio-economic disarray and decline in living standards. Further support for rural areas and economic diversification is needed to move away from Kazakhstan's heavy reliance on mineral resource extraction to a more sustainable path of development.