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151.
对于海洋资源共同开发的主体适格性,不同学者有不同的主张。就国内法层面,主体适格性应由各国的国内法进行规定;就国际法层面,只有主权国家具有共同开发的主体适格性。南海油气资源开发,可以分为两种情况,即争议海域的开发与非争议海域的开发。对于非争议海域,共同开发的主体资格由各国自行决定,而争议海域的共同开发中,适格主体为南海周边的六个国家,但由于南海的海域特征,并非所有的主体都有权对整个南海提出共同开发的要求。明确南海油气资源共同开发主体适格具有重要的现实意义,其不但可以排除南海区域外国家以及东盟干预南海油气资源开发活动,同时也利于南海油气资源开发中各类争端的有效解决。  相似文献   
152.
The issue of economic growth and human development has been a central concern in the oil and gas sector of Nigeria's extractive industry, and this has featured prominently in the agitations and generalized restiveness in the Niger Delta, the oil‐producing region. While many studies have focused on these problems, policies aimed at confronting them have not received much broad attention. This article bridges this research gap by holistically focusing on the solution to the problem. In doing this, the article examines the policies during the Obasanjo administration from 1999 to 2007 in order to critically assess the efficacy or inefficiency of the policies in reversing the general problem now known as the “resource curse,” and to offer a better understanding of the deeper political, social, and economic issues that drive outcomes. The article finds that while significant efforts were made to avoid the boom and bust cycle of oil and lower volatility by de‐linking public expenditure from oil revenue through the “oil‐price‐based fiscal rule,” generally, progress in this area was not matched by improvement in the other areas examined by this study, notably peace and safety of lives and oil/gas installations, the development of the oil‐producing region, environmental security and sustainability, and the transparent and accountable use of oil/gas revenues.  相似文献   
153.
《海诉法》中的直诉保险人制度   总被引:2,自引:1,他引:1  
针对目前《海诉法》第97条的适用范围,从三个方面进行分析:在实体法中未规定保险人直接向受损害人支付保险赔款的义务时,受损害人直接向保险人提出的赔偿请求因没有实体法支持而无法实现;责任保险中,除法律的规定和保险合同的约定外,责任保险的保险人无义务直接向被保险人以外的第三人履行保险合同项下支付赔款的义务;中国目前的法律中对于直接诉讼保险人是设有条件的,尚无受损害人可以不受任何条件制约就可直接向保险人提出索赔的法律规定,并得出结论:《海诉法》第97条目前仅应适用于《1992年民事责任公约》规定适用的油污责任保险。  相似文献   
154.
俄罗斯太平洋石油管道建设的地缘政治分析   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
随着中俄原油管道建成投入运营,东北亚地区的石油管道之争似乎告一段落。解读管道之争背后真正在起决定作用的地缘因素,对一个国家的能源安全和能源战略更有借鉴意义。从地理学空间关系的相互依赖性、干扰因素、距离、运输方式等视角对俄罗斯太平洋管道之争的始末波折及未来可能出现的问题进行分析,可探究地缘环境要素及空间关系的各个方面是如何影响到一个国家对能源安全的控制权、如何影响对本国战略利益的保障等地缘纷争的核心内容。  相似文献   
155.
在俄罗斯,能源不仅是国民经济的血脉和社会发展的动力,而且严重影响国家内政外交,并且,这种影响仍在继续加深。能源企业出口获得的巨额外汇收入,是俄罗斯最重要的财政源泉;最近几年,通过一系列能源外交活动,俄罗斯逐渐恢复本国在欧亚大陆及全球的政治影响和地缘优势;梅德韦杰夫就任总统后,继续把能源工业视为国民经济发展的动力,强调能源工业在俄罗斯恢复世界大国地位的外交杠杆作用,这使俄罗斯的外交政策具有了鲜明的能源特征。那么,从前任总统普京到现任总统的梅德韦杰夫,俄罗斯是如何形成了系统的能源外交学说?主要内容和支柱是什么?能源外交学说所依赖的能源工业基础和能源外交发展趋势如何?  相似文献   
156.
为研究印楝油对小鼠的亚慢性经口毒性作用,确定印楝油的最大无作用剂量和毒作用靶器官,取健康小鼠80只,随机分成3个试验组和1个对照组,每日9点对各试验组小鼠经口给予177、533和1 600mg/kg的印楝油混悬液(用10g/L羧甲基纤维素钠与其混悬),对照组则给予533mg/kg的10g/L羧甲基纤维素钠溶液,连续90d,停药后继续观察30d。试验90d和120d后分别观察记录各组小鼠的一般临床表现,测定血液生理生化指标与心、肝、脾、肺和肾的脏器指数,并对各组小鼠的心、肝、脾、肺、肾与睾丸进行病理学检查。试验90d和120d后,各试验组小鼠的血液生化指标和脏器指数均无明显差异。组织病理学检查结果显示给药90d后,印楝油在177和533mg/kg剂量下,对各脏器的显微结构影响较小,仅仅表现为血管轻微淤血;而在1 600mg/kg剂量下,对各脏器均有不同程度的损伤,主要表现为细胞变性。停药30d后,各脏器病理改变程度减轻甚至恢复。结果表明,印楝油对小鼠亚慢性经口毒性的最大无作用剂量为177mg/kg,毒作用靶器官为肝、肾和睾丸。  相似文献   
157.
The survival of authoritarian regimes has for a long time been associated with the availability of rents derived from oil and gas. In particular, military oil regimes have been able to withstand the challenge of domestic opposition even at difficult times because these regimes could ultimately count on oil and gas revenues. As this article demonstrates, the Qadhafi regime had been particularly adept at surviving by using oil and gas rents. But there is a limit to what these rents can explain: in 2011 however the regime fell after a brief civil war, in which external forces played a central role. The role played by the European and NATO interventions points to the limits of the oil and gas rents. The changed distribution of international resources amongst domestic Libyan actors contributed to the rebels' victory, indicating that international factors should be better incorporated into studies of both authoritarian survival and democratisation.  相似文献   
158.
The establishment of an African military command by the United States reflects the growing focus of the United States on Africa in the US National Security Strategy, which appears to be continuing under new US President Barack Obama. This article deals with several questions. What is the stated US National Security Strategy pertaining to Africa? What national interests does the United States have in Africa? What is the United States officially saying about its objectives in Africa and what has it actually been doing to date? And what are other opinion makers saying about US military involvement in Africa? Finally, it looks at the question of US perceptions of possible rivals in Africa and at potential scenarios for conflict before making a series of conclusions about the threats and opportunities posed by AFRICOM for Africa, and recommendations for a response to AFRICOM on the part of policymakers in South Africa.  相似文献   
159.
A look at the many plans, processes, agreements and disagreements that have led the Congo to its current transition phase.  相似文献   
160.
An American political scientist presents the results of a survey of 1, 280 oblast' and city deputies in five provinces of central Russia. The survey conducted in 1992, assessed support for reforms aimed at development of a market economy and a more democratic political system. Five scales, two economic (including one to determine views on accumulation of wealth) and three political, were developed to measure deputies' attitudes. In addition, the respondents' age, education, occupation, gender and incumbency were used to determine whether attitudinal variation could be explained by demographic factors. The findings are related to the current struggle over control of local resources. Journal of Economic Literature, Classification Numbers: H70, P20, R59.  相似文献   
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