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排序方式: 共有231条查询结果,搜索用时 31 毫秒
61.
The Indonesian state has issued many regulations to control palm oil expansion, but they have been weakly enforced, resulting in widespread illegal plantations. During the last decade, Indonesian authorities have used force to reduce illegal plantations. This article analyses the drivers behind these actions and questions to what extent they reflect the rise of eco-authoritarianism. By investigating six cases of disciplinary action in Sumatra, we conclude that the Indonesian state is neither practising eco-authoritarianism nor constituting a green state. The disciplinary action, however, has had limited success in environmental terms due to policy incoherence, violent contestation and the sector’s historical context. 相似文献
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63.
Irene Costantini 《The international spectator : a quarterly journal of the Istituto affari internazionali》2017,52(1):61-75
The Islamic State’s conquest of swathes of Iraqi territory, combined with falling oil prices, revealed the fault lines of a model of economic development that made the country extremely vulnerable to the events of 2014. Over the last 13 years, the consolidation of the rentier economy in parallel to the promotion of a neoliberal model – a neoliberal rentier system – has not initiated a process of sustainable economic development. The main factors explaining this missed opportunity can be found in the tensions that exist between the two models and, in particular, between the relative roles of the state and the private sector as drivers of economic development. 相似文献
64.
Giorgio Musso 《The international spectator : a quarterly journal of the Istituto affari internazionali》2017,52(4):112-128
The regime ruling Sudan since 1989 represents a pioneering experiment in the field of Islamist politics, being the first case in which a movement affiliated with the Muslim Brotherhood managed to conquer power and hold on to it for a considerable time. During the late 1990s, internal and external pressures threatened the survival of the regime, leading the ruling class to abandon its ambition to represent a model of revolutionary Islamic governance. Oil exports provided a catalyst for this pragmatic shift, intensifying patronage-based relations at the expense of ideological affiliation. Seen from a political economy perspective, the Sudanese experience proves the flexibility of Islamism as an ideology, but also its failure as a political practice to constitute a real alternative to the authoritarian dynamics that are widespread in the MENA region. 相似文献
65.
近年来,国际原油价格不断攀升,给俄罗斯带来了巨额财富,从而保证了俄罗斯经济连续多年的快速增长。但是,高油价在给俄罗斯带来好处的同时,也对俄罗斯经济未来发展带来了潜在的不利影响:抑制了本国产业结构的调整,影响了国家经济安全和可持续发展。从国际石油价格走势来看,油价高位将会持续下去。因此,俄罗斯产业结构的调整在短期内将难以得到根本解决。 相似文献
66.
当俄罗斯一些公司正热衷于增加出口石油的时候,中亚的一些国家却以飞快的速度发展本国石油产品的加工能力,并把争取石油产品在俄罗斯和欧洲市场上占据更大的份额作为自己的战略目标。俄罗斯南部的一些邻国已经开始实施这一计划。 相似文献
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68.
朱满洲 《安徽中医药大学学报》1999,(1):55-56
用气相色谱-质谱方法对凌霄根挥发油的化学成分进行了分析,从中鉴定出29例化合物,其主要成分为脂肪族合物。 相似文献
69.
Hong Zhao 《East Asia》2007,24(4):399-415
Oil has long been viewed as a strategic resource for nations. China is now the world’s second largest oil-consuming country after the U.S.. Its global efforts to secure oil imports to meet increasing domestic demand have profound implications for international relations in the Asia-Pacific region. China’s rising oil demand and its external quest for oil have thus generated much attention. As China’s overseas oil quest intensifies, will China clash with the U.S. and other western countries’ interests in Africa, and how dose it look at this rivalry? Will China disrupt the U.S. and its allies’ foreign policy and the world order? This article tries to provide an overview of China’s initiatives in developing oil in Africa. It examines factors for Chinese oil companies going to Africa and China’s oil strategy there. Finally, it argues that even though China’s practices of energy diplomacy in Africa seem to undermine U.S. goals of isolating or punishing “rogue states”, contrary to those pessimistic views, China has largely accommodated the U.S. and is willing to forge joint efforts with the U.S. in energy exploration in Africa. 相似文献
70.
Rafael Kandiyoti 《Central Asian Survey》2008,27(1):75-93
In the late 1980s, the Soviet Union was the world's largest hydrocarbon producer. The landmass over which these resources are distributed is vast and the reserves mostly landlocked. To convey these hydrocarbons to refineries and to market, the Soviets constructed the largest integrated pipeline networks in the world. After the dissolution of the Soviet Union, new competing national interests have produced tensions over these energy resources and transmission corridors, with economically detrimental and often irrational consequences. In Central Asia, the post-Soviet Republics of Turkmenistan, Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan produce significant amounts of hydrocarbons and export their oil and gas to or through Russian Federation territory. Russian government policy aims to continue exercising political control over these resources and to maximize Moscow's share of profits from their export. This paper examines oil and gas transmission issues in Central Asia, against a backdrop of emerging new relationships between the Russian Federation and the three post-Soviet republics, the resurgent strategic competition between Russia and the United States, China's developing power base in the region and Iran's potentially key geographic position for channelling Caspian energy supplies towards the Persian Gulf. 相似文献