中国汉族唇纹研究(Ⅱ)——稳定性及分型

本文对部分中国汉族64名(男36名,女28名)个体的唇纹进行了追踪调查(间隔4年零5个月)。过对所得材料的研究,探讨了唇纹特征随年龄增加而发生变化的规律,并根据唇纹特征提出了新通的分类方法。     

努力营造特色鲜明和谐稳定的德育环境

高等教育要充分认识到加强和改善高校德育环境的重要性和紧迫性,坚持以"三个代表"重要思想和科学发展观为指导,坚持以教育为本,按照中共中央、国务院<关于进一步加强和改进大学生思想政治教育的意见>的要求,紧密结合学院实际,突出学院女性特色,认真研究新形势下大学生思想政治教育的新特点,探索促进教育环境进一步优化的新方法,不断推动高校德育环境健康、有序、创新、可持续发展.     

构建社会主义和谐社会几个问题的探讨

构建社会主义和谐社会,必须以保持稳定的政治环境为前提,必须缩小收入差距和实现社会公平,必须努力促进人与自然和谐相处,建立资源节约型和环境友好型社会。     

Procedural justice and perceived electoral integrity: the case of Korea's 2012 presidential election

Recently, there has been an increase in the number of scholars focusing on why voters around the world differ in their evaluations of electoral integrity. One group of scholars contends that perceived electoral integrity is determined by partisan status according to election results. Another group claims that individual perception of election quality is influenced by such political cues as institutional support for election management bodies. Although the two groups have developed this subject differently, they both underestimate the degree to which the election process affects electoral integrity. Based on the theory of procedural justice, this study argues that the more problems citizens see in the electoral process, the more negatively they tend to rate elections. An analysis of a public opinion survey conducted immediately after the December 2012 presidential election in South Korea provides credible evidence for our theoretical expectations and presents an important implication for elections of new democracies in a comparative perspective.     

Ethanol stability in unpreserved refrigerated antemortem blood

Ethanol stability in preserved antemortem blood has been widely studied since it is a common practice in cases involving suspected impaired driving to collect antemortem blood in evacuated blood tubes containing sodium fluoride. In some situations, antemortem blood is submitted to a forensic laboratory for ethanol analysis in evacuated blood tubes that contain only an anticoagulant. There has been limited research on ethanol stability in antemortem blood stored without a preservative. On two occasions, antemortem blood was collected from five ethanol-free individuals into 6-ml Vacutainer® tubes containing only 10.8 mg potassium EDTA. The blood tubes were spiked with ethanol to approximately either 0.08 or 0.15 g/dl. Dual-FID headspace gas chromatography was used to analyze 58 blood tubes, 29 from each session, for ethanol 1 day after sample collection and again after 1 year of refrigerated storage (~4°C). Statistically significant decreases in ethanol were detected at the 0.05 level of significance. Mean decreases in ethanol after 1 year of storage for the 0.08 and 0.15 g/dl samples were 0.013 and 0.010 g/dl, respectively. The mean ethanol decrease across all tubes was 0.012 g/dl. The range of decreases for the 58 blood tubes was 0.003–0.018 g/dl. The mean ethanol decreases measured in this unpreserved antemortem blood are comparable in magnitude to those previously observed in antemortem blood containing sodium fluoride after 1 year of refrigerated storage. Ethanol did not increase in the antemortem blood samples despite the absence of sodium fluoride.     

政治稳定视阈下腐败官员和资产外逃的惩防追缴机制建设

腐败的本质是公权私用,是权力与权利关系的异化。腐败官员与腐败资产外逃严重影响民众对于廉洁政治建设的信心,对我国的政治稳定造成严重的负面影响,鉴于此,惩防腐败对国家的政治稳定至关重要。目前,腐败行为的结构性转型使得我国对腐败官员跨境外逃和资产转移的惩防难度增大,因此,要认真对待社会转型带来的制度风险和利益冲突,正视权力结构存在的问题,健全权力运行制约和监督体系,改革政治体制,依靠民主政治和公民有序政治参与的扩大,促成对政府官员责任的落实和监督。将惩防跨境腐败上升到法治的高度,进一步完善并落实我国政府官员家庭财产申报制度,完善户籍管理、护照管理和出入境管理等制度。要在国际法和国际条约框架内,加强国际司法合作。     

反恐视角下穿着遮面长袍行为的法律规制——基于新疆地区的研究

遮面长袍并非维吾尔族的传统服饰。穿着遮面长袍的行为与宗教极端思想渗透密切相关,它危害社会稳定,侵蚀民族传统文化,侮辱妇女人格,违反男女平等原则。近年来,法国、比利时等国先后颁布了禁止在公共场所穿着遮面长袍的法律。为维护社会稳定,保障国家文化安全,防止宗教极端思想渗透,我国有必要借鉴法国、比利时等国的立法,由全国人大制定禁止在公共场所穿着遮面长袍的法律,违者由县级公安机关处以一定数额的罚款。     

积极稳妥地推行社会稳定风险评估工作

社会稳定风险评估机制就是一项社会管理的制度创新,文章通过对近几年我国社会稳定风险评估机制的实践研究,提出要正确认识和理解社会稳定风险评估,了解社会稳定风险评估的实践状况,分析其问题与原因,进而提出积极推行社会稳定风险评估的建议。     

Do politicians anticipate voter control? A comparative study of representatives’ accountability beliefs

Representation literature is rife with the assumption that politicians are responsive to voter preferences because their re-election is contingent upon the approval of those voters, approval that can be won by furthering their desires or, similarly, that can be threatened by ignoring their wishes. Hence, scholars argue that the anticipation of electoral accountability by politicians constitutes a crucial guarantor of (policy) responsiveness; as long as politicians believe that voters are aware of what they do and will take it into account on election day, they are expected to work hard at keeping these voters satisfied. If, on the other hand, politicians were to think what they say and do is inconsequential for citizens’ voting behaviour, they may see leeway to ignore their preferences. In this study, we therefore examine whether politicians anticipate electoral accountability in the first place. In particular, we ask 782 Members of Parliament in Belgium, Germany, Canada and Switzerland in a face-to-face survey about the anticipation of voter control; whether they believe that voters are aware of their behaviour in parliament and their personal policy positions, are able to evaluate the outcomes of their political work, and, finally, whether this knowledge affects their vote choice. We find that a sizable number of MPs believe that voters are aware of what they do and say and take that into account at the ballot box. Still, this general image of rather strong anticipation of voter control hides considerable variation; politicians in party-centred systems (in Belgium and some politicians in Germany that are elected on closed party lists), anticipate less voter control compared to politicians in more candidate-centred systems (Canada and Switzerland). Within these countries, we find that populist politicians are more convinced that voters know about their political actions and take this knowledge into account in elections; it seems that politicians who take pride in being close to voters (and their preferences), also feel more monitored by these voters. Finally, we show that politicians’ views of voter control do not reflect the likelihood that they might be held to account; politicians whose behaviour is more visible and whose policy profile should therefore be better known to voters do not feel the weight of voter control more strongly.