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111.
Both principal Turkish political parties make extensive use of patron–client networks, but in very different ways. The CHP relies on competing local brokers and synchronous vote buying. The AKP is at the centre of a network of public and private funding turning social policy to clientelist ends. Socially anchored AKP activists link the party to voters, allowing it to target social assistance for political advantage and take credit for improvement in local conditions. The case presented in this paper provides a natural experiment suggesting that this distinction is an important explanation for the AKP’s electoral success in low-income urban areas.  相似文献   
112.
This paper examines the Endosulphan pesticide disaster in Kasargod, Kerala, India. The paper argues that the pesticide disaster was the culmination of an agrarian modernization project implemented in the region by the state-owned Plantation Corporation of Kerala (PCK). An exploration of the political ecology of the disaster shows the recolonization of residents and nature by PCK through neocolonial forms of centralized and exclusionary spatial and resource control mechanisms. In this context, the paper questions the glorification of the “Kerala model” of development from the standpoints of environmental justice and resource rights, relying on the lived experiences of the people of Kasargod.  相似文献   
113.
Violent political revolt has been common in independent Uganda. For a long time, such revolts were exclusively expressed as rural-based rebel groups fighting the government. Since the mid-2000s, however, this seems to have come to an end. Instead, urban riots, very rare in the past, have become much more common. This article analyses these changing patterns of types and location of violent political revolt in Uganda under the National Resistance Movement government. It argues that the earlier prevalence of rural rebellions can be explained by the combination of a coercive and militarised state, and weak and ethnically factionalised political forces who took their violent resistance to rural regional bases. Over time, however, government counter-insurgency became more effective and the conditions for insurgency were undermined by withdrawal of external support. Furthermore, the reintroduction of multi-party politics in 2005 opened up new avenues for political expression. The changes to the political system were, however, more nominal than real in many respects. While the rebel option had become less attractive and feasible, a series of social, economic and political grievances remained which were only partly channelled through party politics. They also found expression through sporadic urban violent revolt.  相似文献   
114.
我国高校正面临着改革深化的现实,高校思想政治教育面临着种种的机遇、挑战与选择,透视高校思想政治教育现状,打破已经不适应高校现状的旧的思想政治教育范式,在改革深化的背景下如何认识高校思想政治教育的职能,发挥思想政治教育生命线作用,是每一位思想政治教育者的责任。  相似文献   
115.
民主政治建设是少数民族地区现代化建设的重要内容,不仅包括制度建设内容,而且也包括政治文化建设的内容。然而,少数民族地区民主建设面临着各少数民族成员民主制度、机制缺乏,民主意识淡薄以及注重宗教信仰、法治意识缺失。要培育少数民族地区民主型政治文化的基础和条件,就不得不建立和完善现代民主制度和机制,充分开发利用各种政治社会化手段。  相似文献   
116.
政权与财产权有着严格的差异和密切的联系,二者在互动演进中促进了社会的前进和发展.政权与财产权的结合与分离对社会经济政治的发展有着深刻的影响,改革进程深入的中国只有在实践中实现政权与财产权适度分离,才能为宪政中国的早日实现铺平道路.  相似文献   
117.
How effective are autonomous audit agencies (AAAs) in curbing corruption and improving fiscal governance in emerging economies? AAAs are autonomous oversight agencies tasked with scrutinising government finances. However, they are not as effective as they could or should be, partly because of the political constraints they face and the political economy context in which they are embedded. This article assesses the performance and trajectory of the Argentine AAA. It suggests that AAAs can have only a limited impact when formal fiscal institutions are undermined by informal practices and undercut by adverse political incentives. It further highlights the limits of radical reform strategies based on the import of exogenous institutional models. This research has important research and policy implications for the reform and strengthening of AAAs in developing countries. Copyright © 2007 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   
118.
Why are some local governments more successful than others in managing resources and delivering services? And even more vitally, how can malfunctioning governments be reformed so that they perform their responsibilities more effectively? This article contributes to our understanding of theses overarching questions by exploring the interactions between political institutions and public sector performance in the context of decentralisation and local governance. It shows–both theoretically and empirically–that performance outcomes are determined by the extent to which people can hold their governments accountable through political institutions. The basic hypothesis underlying this research is that political accountability, either by encouraging sanctions upon non‐compliant public agents or simply by reducing the informational gap regarding government activities, will create forceful incentives for elected officials and civil servants to reduce opportunistic behaviour and improve performance. Using a cross‐sectional regression the hypothesis is empirically tested against evidence from newly empowered local governments in Indonesia. The empirical findings broadly support our hypotheses. Improved public services on the ground, both in terms of quantity and quality, require informed and well functioning decision‐making processes that allocate resources to priority areas that meet the demand of the broader community. Copyright © 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   
119.
加强和改进公安思想政治工作是新时期的必然要求,是建设强大的公安队伍和强有力的公安工作的客观需要。因此,要正确认识和处理好思想政治工作的长期性和紧迫性的关系;要反对形式主义,转变工作作风,在狠抓落实上下功夫;要增强时代感和针对性,使思想政治工作在加强的过程中改进,在继承的基础上创新;要坚持以人为本,以情感召,力戒以训代教,增强思想政治工作的感召力和凝聚力;要重视领导机关和领导干部的形象和导向作用,不要把群众当成“第一对象”;要重视行政强调和规章制约,不应轻视理论灌输,增强思想政治工作的理论思维;要把思想政治工作与解决实际问题结合起来,既要讲道理又要办实事;要围绕中心选准切入点,把思想政治工作结合、渗透到具体工作之中。  相似文献   
120.
略论美国军队的思想政治教育   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
美军的思想政治教育在西方发达国家的军队中具有一定的代表性。美军注重运用宗教的力量、开展精神教育活动、营造良好的教育环境、贯彻物质利益原则等思想政治教育的内容和方式 ,对于我们拓展思想政治教育研究的思路具有一定的启发意义。  相似文献   
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