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91.
AbstractHousing has important economic, political, and social ramifications for Western Europe and beyond. Despite its importance in shaping economic and political outcomes, however, housing remains in the peripheral vision of major comparative political economy debates. This introduction to the special issue accomplishes four objectives. First it demonstrates how housing defies current political economy typologies by failing to conform to their theoretical and empirical predictions. Second it summarises the current state of housing research within political science, which still remains in its infancy. Third it highlights how the contributions in this special issue expand our understanding of how housing causes and is shaped by political and economic outcomes in Europe. Finally, this introduction concludes by outlining how the special issue contributions demonstrate housing’s importance for the welfare state, political preferences and electoral shifts, regulatory and redistributive policies, and financialisation and household indebtedness in Europe. 相似文献
92.
严丽娟 《贵州社会主义学院学报》2016,(4):61-64
章士钊是中国近代史上著名的思想家和理论家,他注意观察和研究近代民主政治,尤其是政党政治,他强调党纲的重要性,推崇英国式的政党内阁制,并由此提出了毁党造党说,即政党和国内政治资源的重新优化组合,一方面,所谓党者尽毁之,既毁其名又毁其实,另一方面,造有党纲之党,在国内形成两大政党对抗的局面。毁党造党说轰动一时,但因不符合中国的国情而遭到失败。 相似文献
93.
网络在中国的迅猛发展,深刻地影响着公民的政治参与程度和热情,推进了现代民主政治的发展进程。本文从网络政治参与的内涵和特点入手,客观地分析了网络政治参与给我国民主政治建设、政治稳定等方面带来的双重影响,并提出规范网络政治参与的对策。 相似文献
94.
当代中国正处于现代化建设的伟大历史时期,中国的社会主义现代化事业必须在中国共产党的领导下才能取得成功;党必须加强自身建设,提高和完善领导水平和执政能力,才能应对危机,迎接挑战。而加强政治道德建设是坚持和改善党的领导的重要条件之一,也是迫切需要予以重视的问题。因此,当务之急是通过政治道德建设,引导领导干部树立正确的政绩观。 相似文献
95.
Political Parties and Grassroots Clientelist Strategies in Urban Turkey: One Neighbourhood at a Time
Ceren Ark-Yıldırım 《South European society & politics》2017,22(4):473-490
Both principal Turkish political parties make extensive use of patron–client networks, but in very different ways. The CHP relies on competing local brokers and synchronous vote buying. The AKP is at the centre of a network of public and private funding turning social policy to clientelist ends. Socially anchored AKP activists link the party to voters, allowing it to target social assistance for political advantage and take credit for improvement in local conditions. The case presented in this paper provides a natural experiment suggesting that this distinction is an important explanation for the AKP’s electoral success in low-income urban areas. 相似文献
96.
Silpa Satheesh 《亚洲研究》2017,49(4):587-596
This paper examines the Endosulphan pesticide disaster in Kasargod, Kerala, India. The paper argues that the pesticide disaster was the culmination of an agrarian modernization project implemented in the region by the state-owned Plantation Corporation of Kerala (PCK). An exploration of the political ecology of the disaster shows the recolonization of residents and nature by PCK through neocolonial forms of centralized and exclusionary spatial and resource control mechanisms. In this context, the paper questions the glorification of the “Kerala model” of development from the standpoints of environmental justice and resource rights, relying on the lived experiences of the people of Kasargod. 相似文献
97.
Frederick Golooba-Mutebi 《英联邦与比较政治学杂志》2017,55(1):22-40
Violent political revolt has been common in independent Uganda. For a long time, such revolts were exclusively expressed as rural-based rebel groups fighting the government. Since the mid-2000s, however, this seems to have come to an end. Instead, urban riots, very rare in the past, have become much more common. This article analyses these changing patterns of types and location of violent political revolt in Uganda under the National Resistance Movement government. It argues that the earlier prevalence of rural rebellions can be explained by the combination of a coercive and militarised state, and weak and ethnically factionalised political forces who took their violent resistance to rural regional bases. Over time, however, government counter-insurgency became more effective and the conditions for insurgency were undermined by withdrawal of external support. Furthermore, the reintroduction of multi-party politics in 2005 opened up new avenues for political expression. The changes to the political system were, however, more nominal than real in many respects. While the rebel option had become less attractive and feasible, a series of social, economic and political grievances remained which were only partly channelled through party politics. They also found expression through sporadic urban violent revolt. 相似文献
98.
99.
论大学生思想政治教育网络创建 总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0
随着人类进入信息社会,网络以其独特的方式影响着社会各个领域.大学生作为一种特殊的群体,网络给他们的思想带来了诸多影响,文中就如何借助网络做好大学生思想政治教育工作进行了探讨. 相似文献
100.
我国人民陪审员制度自确立后,经历了曲折的历程。除了在个别时期由于党和国家的高度重视和民主高涨,使陪审制度得到较好实施以外,在绝大部分时间里由于"极左"路线、政治和司法集权以及制度设计上的原因,陪审制度或者被弃之不用,或者其实施仅流于形式。2005年新的人民陪审员制度本身仍存在很多问题,原因在于该制度对陪审员的职责定位不准,仍把陪审员定位于法官的参谋和助手,没有将陪审员的职责定位于对职业法官的监督制约,根本原因就是没有将保护民众的权利作为立法目的。在民众权利日益受到公权力和个别职业法官侵犯和威胁的今天,陪审制度应把保护民众的权利作为其立法目的,以民主和权力制约作为制度设计的理念,这符合时代要求和民众的愿望,这样才能使该制度免于重蹈覆辙。 相似文献