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971.
Magnus Feldmann 《后苏联事务》2013,29(4):354-370
This article analyzes Estonian macroeconomic policy since the country regained independence in 1991. Estonia was the first post-communist country to introduce a currency board in 1992, and consecutive governments have systematically prioritized macroeconomic stability and fiscal prudence. Estonia implemented an internal devaluation in 2008–2009, which enabled it to become the first post-Soviet republic to adopt the euro in 2011. This article explores the origins of the currency board and shows how institutions, interests, and ideas have contributed to Estonian exceptionalism in macroeconomic policy and to euro adoption. It demonstrates that the Estonian experience can shed light on the political prerequisites of internal devaluations, which may be of great relevance both to current and future Central and Eastern European euro area members. 相似文献
972.
Sara Delaney Geoffrey Livingston Steven Schonberger 《South African Journal of International Affairs》2013,20(3):341-365
This paper suggests that smallholder farmers in sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) are well placed to seize the opportunities from expanding global and regional demand for agricultural products but that this will require a shift from extensive to more intensive production systems. The ability of SSA's smallholder farmers to increase on-farm investments in productivity is, however, constrained by their capacity to manage the risk-return trade-offs in moving towards intensified agriculture. While stakeholders are increasing their investments to assist smallholders in SSA to participate in integrated supply chains, the returns in terms of technical and financial results from these investments are generally lower than in other developing regions. This paper suggests that this is, at least in part, a consequence of problems associated with the role of spatial and temporal coordination in program delivery. Hence, much more focus needs to be devoted to delivering goods and services for smallholders at the right place and the right time, and this should be better monitored and evaluated in the context of development programs. 相似文献
973.
Andreas Ufen 《亚洲研究》2013,45(4):564-586
ABSTRACTThis article compares the financing of political parties and candidates in two Southeast Asian countries. In Malaysia, some political finance regulations exist only on paper, and political financing is for the most part not restrained at all. In contrast, the financing of candidates and parties has always been tightly circumscribed in Singapore. These different strategies, “laissez-faire” versus “strict control,” are the consequence of various factors. In Malaysia, the New Economic Policy has effected a close, often economically unproductive linkage between the state, the ruling Barisan Nasional coalition, and business. The rise of businesspeople has resulted in the commercialization of competition within (the United Malays National Organisation. Additionally, increasing competition between the ruling coalition and the opposition has resulted in growing expenditures for electioneering in the form of advertisements and electoral patronage. The laissez-faire style of regulation has been compounded by the difficult-to-control practices in East Malaysia (Sabah and Sarawak), where vote buying, electoral patronage based on the largesse of oligarchs, and obvious nonobservance of the rules have been typical. In contrast to Malaysia as a whole, the costs for parties and candidates are still relatively low in Singapore. As a cadre party, the PAP (People's Action Party) is relatively autonomous from private business interests, and intraparty competition is not commercialized; the developmentalist state is highly productive, and the ties between the state, the PAP, and business are not characterized by cronyism. Moreover, electioneering is not very commercialized because the opposition is still relatively weak. 相似文献
974.
Awadh Al-Enezi 《国际公共行政管理杂志》2013,36(9):643-655
This study is an extension of the research on the service quality of public organizations. It is concerned with evaluating the quality of the service provided by the Kuwaiti Cultural Office in Egypt as perceived by both students and staff. The gap analysis model is adopted in this study to identify the key dimensions and related components of the quality of service delivered by the Office. Additionally, the study offers evidence of a quality gap between the perceptions of the public service providers and the end beneficiaries. The findings reveal that there are obvious differences between the staff's and students' perceptions of the quality of the service provided by the Office in terms of tangibles, reliability, and responsiveness. The students indicate that the service provided has many shortcomings, related mainly to the tangible aspects of the service reliability and responsiveness. However, they feel secure in dealing with the Office, and feel the administration and employees consider their interests a top priority to the Office. 相似文献
975.
The direct relationship between government effectiveness and the population's well-being has generated a growing interest about the explanatory factors of governance quality. Thus, the aim of this study is to determine the determinants of government effectiveness, in relation to the organizational environment and political and internal characteristics of public administrations. For this, we used a sample composed by 202 countries observed between 2002 and 2008. A World Bank governance indicator represents the government effectiveness. We estimated a panel data dependence model by the Generalized Method of Moments estimator to avoid heterogeneity and endogeneity problems. Furthermore, a CHAID algorithm provides a classification of governance quality according to the predicted determinants. The results show that government effectiveness is initially explained by the organizational environment, related to economic development and educational status. Later, and according to countries’ income distribution, political constrains and some organizational characteristics, such as gender diversity and government size, may improve governance quality. 相似文献
976.
City Management in the United States and Norway: A Comparative Analysis of Professional Orientations
This analysis examines the effects of political culture on the nature and practice of professional local government management by comparing the structures, responsibilities, and relationships of city administrative executives in the democratic countries of the United States and Norway. The findings suggest that, despite fundamental differences in societal institutions and settings, American and Norwegian city managers serve similar roles in their respective local government organizations. However, the notable variations in the processes of municipal management identified between the two nations appear to reflect the contextual influence of divergent political foundations on the operational environment of professional public administrators. 相似文献
977.
Reviewing the history of women’s movement, this article expects to find a large role of women’s organizations in the process of change that has helped to increase participation of women in local government political process of Bangladesh. While there is considerable support for the presence of the women’s movement, there is much ambivalence as to the specifics of such influence: its objects, means, and magnitude. The difficulty in assessing influence may stem from the reliance on informal channels, which makes tracing and tracking influence a great challenge, and calls for more grounded research to expose the intricate interactions between actors. 相似文献
978.
李定平 《中共山西省委党校学报》2013,36(3):30-33
改革开放以来,面对不断变迁的社会结构和充满挑战的外部环境,我党一直在进行着适应性变革。党内巡视制度的建立符合政党适应性的要求,可以消解党适应性变革中社会基础扩大给党执政带来的影响,是提高党的建设科学化水平的重要一环。从政党适应性视角看,党内巡视制度面临一些挑战,包括存在陷入"钱穆制度陷阱"的可能,存在信息化时代的挑战,对巡视制度的理论研究尚显薄弱,等等。因此,应加强党内监督制度体系建设,坚持群众路线,通过改革的进一步深入完善党内巡视制度,从而提高政党适应性。 相似文献
979.
张颖 《中共山西省委党校学报》2013,36(1):118-120
高校开展思想政治教育工作的重要目的是为了实现文化的传承创新,两者之间是辩证统一的关系。从高等教育的基本职能、大学生思想现状等来看,高校在开展思想政治教育工作时,需要通过以下三个方面加强文化传承创新:一是要增强思想政治教育的人文内涵和底蕴,不断加强校园文化建设;二是要坚持思想政治教育课程改革创新,以文化教育为载体,做到政治性与文化性兼具;三是要坚持以人为本,培养大学生文化自觉和自信,以实现思想政治教育、自我教育双赢。 相似文献
980.
《Women & Criminal Justice》2013,23(2-3):137-160
Abstract Recent corrections research indicates that programs and community services providing assistance and training for women offenders are lacking. Using a sample of 402 female felony offenders, women's needs, including those thought to be criminogenic (i.e., characteristics and circumstances that heighten an individual's recidivism risk), are examined to determine whether certain groups of women possess similar sets of needs. Cluster analysis is used to identify combinations of needs shared within subgroups of female felons. Identification of common and co-occurring needs, particularly those associated with high risk for recidivism, can assist program staff, advocates for women offenders, and correctional administrators in determining what combination of program elements should be available to women, and the degree to which programming must address multiple domains. 相似文献