Iron Houses in the Tropical Heat: Decentralization Reforms in Africa and their Consequences

Abstract

Decentralization reforms introduced to Africa have not always delivered the intended outcomes. Through interaction with the broader historical, political, social and economic context, reforms seem to have engendered political consequences beyond decentralization itself. Most of the literature on decentralization and development emphasizes questions of institutional design and policy, but here we expand the focus of analysis and incorporate the harder-to-pin-down political patterns marking the workings of decentralization in Africa. Through the case-studies of Ghana, Senegal, Zimbabwe, Namibia, Ethiopia and Uganda we seek to connect the debates on development with the scholarly literatures on comparative federalism, comparative decentralization and local democracy. The conclusion that emerges is that no magic formula which can turn countries into peaceful, stable and prosperous democracies overnight exists. And, importing formal institutions without regard to the local historical, political, social and economic context risks leaving us with elegant but dysfunctional iron houses in the tropical heat.     

The European Union in Sudan: A Missed Opportunity?

Abstract

International organisations active in Africa are often criticised for their ineffectiveness. So too is the European Union (EU), which is also accused of failing to assume a more prominent conflict management role in war-torn countries. This article examines the EU’s capacity and readiness to take on such a role in one such country, the former Republic of Sudan, home to Africa’s longest-running civil wars and the first ‘genocide’ of the 21st century. It begins by outlining the EU’s record in Darfur and the North–South Peace Process. Drawing upon 25 interviews and Hill’s ‘capabilities–expectations model’, it then questions whether the EU’s ‘capabilities’ (resources, instruments, unity) were ‘fit for purpose’ in Sudan’s hostile target setting. It concludes by identifying settings that have been more propitious for a conflict-related management function and by suggesting that the EU should better manage expectations about future security roles.     

Mapping out the institutional geography of external security in the EU

The growth of European Union (EU) competences in the field of external security in the last decade has produced a substantial increase in the number of EU institutions and bureaucratic actors engaged in the planning and management of these policies. Moreover, the expansion of competences in such a sovereign sensitive area comes up against the persistent intergovernmental nature of the security sector. This has resulted, on the one hand, in a complex institutional architecture with heavy demands in terms of coordination, and on the other hand, in a stark differentiation and stratification of the legal regimes with a potential to impact on policy outcomes. This state of uncertainty is particularly relevant when looking at relations with countries bordering the Union, as the long-standing web of interactions there has developed a more complex institutional environment. While most of the scholarly literature focuses on single institutional sectors or policies (Common Security and Defence Policy, European Neighbourhood Policy, or the external side of the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice), this study seeks to address the issue with a comprehensive analysis of the institutional framework that has emerged in the last decade, more notably, since the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon. The article provides, first, an overview of the EU’s institutional actors responsible for security policies in the regions bordering the EU, and second, an examination of the different mechanisms established to address the coordination issue. Finally, this study will argue that the traditional military dimension is but one, and certainly not the most developed, of the security instruments employed by the EU. At another level, it will be argued that the shift of focus from the military to other security tools has altered the institutional balance in the security sector, substantially adding to the relative influential weight of the Commission.     

朱元璋的制度反腐及其教训

鉴于元朝灭亡的教训,朱元璋力图从制度上预防与惩治贪污腐败。他制定低俸禄与低办公经费制度强迫官员保持节俭的作风,以严酷的法律惩治贪污腐败,并建立了一个完善的监察系统搜集官员腐败的证据。朱元璋的制度建设虽然对遏制贪污腐败起到了一定震慑作用,但即使是在朱元璋时代,贪污行为也屡发不绝。朱元璋过世后,低俸禄与低办公经费成为官员贪腐的正当理由,严酷的反贪法律的执行因为完全取决于皇帝的态度实际上也逐渐废止了,监察制度也变成了党争的工具。尽管如此,朱元璋的制度反腐仍然为今天的廉政建设提供了可资借鉴的经验与教训:反腐教育应当常抓不懈,反腐应摆脱依赖个人意志的法律,注意保持官员的适当工资水平。     

规范政府行为的一部重要法律——为《中华人民共和国行政许可法》正式施行而作

今年7月1日正式施行的《行政许可法》是规范政府行为的一部重要法律。以法律规范政府行为,是由政府权力的特点决定的,是我国完善社会主义市场经济体制的客观要求。《行政许可法》的正式施行,是我国政府改革进程的重要里程碑。《行政许可法》确立了新的价值取向,同时也充分体现法律至上的原则和制度创新。施行《行政许可法》要充分估计到困难和阻力,要针对可能出现的问题努力做好工作。     

关于精英决策的制度分析

精英决策的模式是民主政治欠发达的国家广泛存在的一种政府决策模式 ,其形成是有集体行动的逻辑和根源的。从制度经济学的角度来看 ,精英决策的模式缺乏制度效率。中国政府的精英决策模式向民主决策的转变 ,需要在克服集体行动“失灵”和遵循制度效率标准的基础上 ,做出一系列的制度安排     

经济全球化与中国政府治理变革

随着经济全球化的迅猛发展,治理和善治问题已经成为摆在中国政府面前的重大现实课题。当代中国政府治理变革的基本目标在于:推进有限政府、法治政府、分权政府和民主政府的制度建设,这四个要素乃是构成政府善治的最重要的制度平台。推动政府治理变革的主要动力来自于:开明政治家的改革取向、市场经济的内在要求、知识分子的理论力量、国际制度的制约力量以及全球竞争的外在压力。     

以制度建设为重点加强党的执政能力建设

以制度建设为重点加强党的执政能力建设,是我们党总结历史经验、吸取历史教训的成果,是新时期党建工作的与时俱进,是历史的选择和时代的要求。新的世纪,我们要以制度建设为重点,改革和完善党的领导体制和工作机制,进一步提高党的执政能力和执政水平。     

SOCIAL INSTITUTIONS AND VIOLENCE: A SUB‐NATIONAL TEST OF INSTITUTIONAL ANOMIE THEORY*

Messner and Rosenfeld's institutional anomie theory is grounded in the assumption that relatively higher crime rates in the United States are due to (1) the overwhelming influence of economic motives and institutions in society, and (2) the subjugation of all other social institutions to cultural economic interests (e.g., the American Dream). Our analysis is designed to extend the limited body of empirical research on this theory in several ways. First, we seek to test the utility of institutional anomie theory for predicting crime rates across aggregate units within the United States (counties). Second, we draw out the theory's emphasis on instrumental crime and suggest that measures of noneconomic social, political, familial, religious, and educational institutions will be particularly relevant for explaining instrumental as opposed to expressive violence. Third, in contrast to prior research, we develop conceptual reasons to expect that these factors will primarily mediate (as opposed to moderate) the relationship between economically motivating pressures and instrumental violence. Our negative binomial regression analyses of data from the Supplementary Homicide Reports and various censuses indicate that the measures of noneconomic institutions perform well in explaining both instrumental and expressive homicides, but that these measures mediate the impact of economic pressures (as measured by the Gini coefficient of family income inequality) to commit instrumental violence most strongly. Further, we find only very limited support for the more popular moderation hypothesis.     

论公务员职位分类制度之创新

职位分类制度是《中华人民共和国公务员法》中最基本的制度设计之一。同《国家公务员暂行条例》中有关职位分类制度的规定相比较而言,《公务员法》中设计的职位分类制度有许多创新之处,具体体现在职位类别划分更为科学、职务序列设置更加多样化、级别的内涵与功能更为明确等几个方面。