刑事抗诉制度的立法完善

多年的刑事抗诉司法实践以无可争辩的事实,证明了其在保障司法公正等方面具有不可替代的作用,但是现有刑事抗诉制度也存在提起条件不明确、履行抗诉的程序不完善以及对被害人权益保护功能发挥不足等一系列问题。这些问题的存在已经严重制约了刑事抗诉职权的履行;因此,必须进一步细化刑事抗诉提起的标准,分别按照二审程序抗诉和审判监督程序抗诉的不同特点完善刑事抗诉程序,切实保障刑事被害人的抗诉请求权,增强抗诉请求对检察机关的制约效力,以充分保障其合法权益。     

当代大众日常趣味的文化解读

大众日常趣味在大众文化背景下总体表现为重感觉轻理性的审美趣味。它一方面制约着大众文化的风格和内容,另一方面被大众文化所塑造,削弱了人的理性思维能力,使趣味流于形式,排斥内容。通过审视和解读这一现象,更加突显了倡导人文理性的必要性。     

Pedagogy from and for Social Movements: A Conversation Between Theory and Practice

Much radical writing on academia is grounded in a mystified view of knowledge in which an ecosocialist pedagogy would be “theory from above.” This article argues for a different understanding of knowledge as materially situated in social and ecological relationships; oriented towards practice; developmental and contested from below, demystifying third-level education from the perspective of movement-generated knowledge. Concretely, this means starting from participants’ existing praxis and “learning from each other’s struggles”—using “frozen” movement theory and activist experience—to move towards a wider, more radical understanding. In Ireland such pedagogy is rooted in working-class community self-organising, rural environmental justice alliances, women’s and GLTBQ activism, and the anti-capitalist “movement of movements,” encapsulating Audre Lorde’s dictum, “There is no such thing as a single-issue struggle because we do not live single-issue lives.” The article focusses in particular on a “Masters for activists.” The course supports movement participants to deepen and develop their activist practice but also to situate it within these wider and more radical understandings and emancipatory alliances. Taking movement praxis—rather than “contemplative” knowledge—as a starting point raises very different questions about theory and practice, forms and distribution of knowledge and the purpose and shape of learning.     

民愤与死刑量刑——死刑量刑中对“人民司法为人民”理念的贯彻

在具体的司法实践过程中，如何妥善处理民愤与量刑特别是死刑量刑之间的关系，将直接影响司法实践的社会认同度。科学把握民愤与酌定量刑情节以及法定量刑情节的关系，是刑法理论和司法实践必须解决的问题。     

论大众文化对军警院校校园文化的影响及应对

本文具体分析了大众文化对军警院校校园文化的影响,尽力从两种文化的价值定位,文化特性、文化功能等理论层面,系统论述大众文化与军警院校校园文化的统一与冲突,并基于对大众文化对军警院校校园文化的影响的理性认识,提出现代军警院校校园文化的构建设想。     

当代中国马克思主义大众化与党的群众路线

当代中国马克思主义大众化与坚持党的群众路线是内在统一的。推进当代中国马克思主义大众化，就是坚持“从群众中来、到群众中去”的党的群众路线。     

谈突发事件中公安机关对网络舆情的控制

当前,网络媒体作为一种新的信息传播形式已深入人们的日常生活,成为思想文化的集散地和社会舆论的放大器。在给政府的社会控制提供新手段的同时,网络舆论也给现有的社会管理和信息控制模式带来了挑战。在各种突发事件爆发时,如何对网络舆情实施科学有效的管理和控制,已经成为公安机关亟待解决的一个崭新课题。文章分析了网络舆情容易失控的原因,并结合公安工作和网络媒体的特点,针对公安机关在突发事件中的网络舆情控制提出了相应的方法和策略。     

‘The Right to Live with Dignity’: Politicising Experiences of Precarity through ‘Popular Economy’ in Argentina

This article takes an ethnographic perspective to analyse the ways in which social movements in Buenos Aires, Argentina, politicise experiences of precarity through the creation of popular economy initiatives. I argue that we cannot understand these organising processes exclusively in relation to the pursuit of ‘formalisation’ or the improvement of working conditions. In the context of new forms of State intervention, the notions of ‘rights’—to labour and to the city—that these movements put forward, express ways of envisioning full inclusion in society that encompass notions of worthiness and ‘dignified life’, forged over the course of grassroots political action.     

论监督型民事抗诉制度的回归及路线

我国民事抗诉制度始终身处救济型的定位,既有悖于检察机关的法律监督者身份,也使抗诉的现实功用一路下滑,终至角色尴尬、权能虚化的境地。为从根本上逆转这一颓势,改革应以监督型抗诉替代救济型抗诉为基本方向,实施策略则是在纯粹的法律监督导向下重塑抗诉制度。如此,抗诉的事由首先将被限于程序违法和国家利益、社会公共利益受损;其后,检察机关理当自主地行使监督权,拥有独立提起抗诉和迳行启动再审审理的能力和权力;最后,检察机关的参与造成了再审审理的对象及主体结构上的特殊,有必要另设与之相宜的独立抗诉再审程序。     

National protest agenda and the dimensionality of party politics: Evidence from four East-Central European democracies

Contemporary democracies show considerable differences in the issue composition of their protest politics, which tends to remain relatively stable over time. In countries like Germany or the Czech Republic, the vast majority of protests have been mobilised around sociocultural issues, such as human rights, peace, nuclear power or the environment, and only a tiny portion of protest has focused on economic issues. At the opposite extreme, protest in France or Poland usually has a strongly economic character and voices demands relating to material redistribution and social policy. What lies behind the cross-country differences in national protest agendas? In this article, the national protest agenda depends on what issues mainstream political parties are contesting: the content and strength of the master-issue dimension. In reference to the literature on the multidimensional political space and niche political parties, one should expect that there is a substitutive effect; where the stronger a specific master-issue dimension is in party politics, the less salient that issue dimension is in protest politics. This substitutive effect results from the tendency of electoral politics to reduce political conflict to a single-dimension equilibrium, which decreases the importance of other issues and relegates the contest over secondary, niche issues to the realm of policy-seeking strategies, with protest being a common type of this political strategy. In party systems where single-dimension equilibrium does not exist and the master-issue dimension is weaker, the same dynamics result in a more convergent relationship between party and protest politics and a greater similarity between the protest- and party-system agendas. To investigate this theory, the national protest agendas in four countries are examined. The Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia show four combinations of two crucial factors that are not available in the old Western democracies: the content and the strength of the master-issue dimension. The study draws on an original dataset of protest events organised in the four countries between 1993 and 2010, and on qualitative and quantitative data on issue dimensions of party politics obtained from studies on party politics and expert surveys. The results show that in the Czech Republic, where the master-issue dimension has remained strongly economic, protest has been predominantly sociocultural. In Poland between 1993 and 2001 and Hungary between 1993 and 2006, the master-issue dimensions are strongly sociocultural, while protest is predominantly economic. There is no single-dimension equilibrium in party politics in Slovakia or in post-2001 Poland and mainstream parties compete on both economic and sociocultural issues. Consequently, the substitutive dynamics between party and protest politics is weaker and the issue agendas in party and protest arenas are here more alike.