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221.
《Japan Forum》2012,24(1):1-24
The Tokugawa Bakufu ordered a second military expedition against Chōshū in 1865, and war broke out in 1866. Rioting occurred during wartime in the villages within Iwami Province as well as Buzen Province's Kokura han, which became a frontline for the attack on Chōshū from Kyushu. Due to the restricted sale and hoarding of rice because of war, rice prices, as well as those of other goods, rose suddenly in all areas of the country and frequent rioting erupted. Such popular violent movements are known as yonaoshi ikki (social reform uprisings) or yonaoshi sōdō (social reform riots).Eighteenth- and nineteenth-century popular movements have been interpreted in various ways. Sasaki Junnosuke's yonaoshi jūkyō ron (a theory of the conditions of social reform), first advocated in the late 1960s,1 has met with various criticisms, yet there is still no counter-theory which can be said to replace it. The following study reconsiders Sasaki's yonaoshi jōkyōron and proposes a new line of research, a necessity in the study of popular movements. 相似文献
222.
223.
Peter Jones 《Women: A Cultural Review》2013,24(2):161-178
Discussion of British punk visual culture has generally been restricted to the work of the male protagonists, such as Jamie Reid's designs for the Sex Pistols. Jones seeks to present a wider view of punk imagery and its context by discussing the little-known photomontage work of the artist Linder Sterling during 1977-9. Her images are considered in the context of her other work (performance, music and graphic design), the concerns of radical feminism (namely, gender and representation) and feminist-inflected, iconoclastic photographic-based practices of the 1970s. Furthermore, drawing on the work of various theorists, such as Roland Barthes, Walter Benjamin and Angela McRobbie, he argues that Linder's use and subversion of mass media imagery represents a critique of constructed gender identities and the consumer society. 相似文献
224.
Emily Spiers 《Women: A Cultural Review》2013,24(1-2):1-21
This article draws on material from the Riot Grrrl Collection at New York University's Fayles Library to examine the culture of ‘zine’ production in riot grrrl communities in the United States during the 1990s. After investigating the relationship between the political issues and aesthetic strategies explored by riot grrrl literary producers, the author analyses the points of tension arising within the movement, which become illuminated by zines’ revelatory confessional modes, or what Mimi Thi Nguyen has called riot grrrl's ‘aesthetics of access’. The author subsequently enquires after the implications for riot grrrl politics of understanding experiences of oppression and transgressive behaviour as cultural commodities. Finally, the author goes on to trace the commodification of the transgressive feminist gesture in mainstream popular culture and contemporary online feminist activism in the United States. 相似文献
225.
"快乐女声"是继"超级女声"之后在国内再次掀起了一场大型电视平民选秀节目活动。"快女"的受众对象主要是青少年群体,青少年在这一节目活动中除了获得名利双收外,更多的是受制于商家和媒体的操纵与诱导,进而成了给媒体带来高的收视率和给商家带来滚滚商机的"牺牲品"。"快女"火爆的原因,除了青少年自身因素外,其背后的商业力量也是其产生的重要原因。成人社会应该更加重视青年文化,尤其要正确引导青年流行文化向主流文化方向发展。 相似文献
226.
当代中国马克思主义大众化与坚持党的群众路线是内在统一的。推进当代中国马克思主义大众化,就是坚持“从群众中来、到群众中去”的党的群众路线。 相似文献
227.
当代中国大众文化问题的思考 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
由于思想解放运动的开展 ,海外大众文化的传入 ,市场取向的经济体制改革等原因 ,当代中国产生了大众文化。这种新型文化的迅猛发展 ,舒缓了大众的身心压力 ,提高了生活质量 ,开辟了新的教育渠道 ,促进了市场经济的发展 ,但同时也导致了新的文化失衡和人文精神的失落。因此 ,要通过明确大众文化的价值体系 ,坚持综合创新的原则 ,进一步规范文化市场等措施 ,引导和促进大众文化的进一步健康发展 相似文献
228.
This paper studies the interactions between governments, challengers and third party actors in the context of 60 contentious policy episodes in 12 European countries during the Great Recession. More specifically, we focus on the endogenous dynamics that develop in the course of these episodes. Based on the combination of a new event dataset, which allows for the construction of action sequences, and a novel method (contentious episode analysis) to study the impact of actor-specific actions on subsequent actions within a sequence, we test a set of hypotheses on the determinants of actors’ overall action repertoires within specific contexts. Overall, our results are more supportive of the interdependence of cooperation than of the interdependence of conflict: the repression-radical mobilisation-external legitimation of conflictive behaviour nexus is weaker than the concession-cooperation-mediation nexus. While the literature tends to focus on conflict dynamics, we find that there is a more systematic dynamics of cooperation in the course of contentious episodes. 相似文献
229.
Classic studies of protest politics have traditionally defended the dominant left-wing orientation of protesters. However, some recent research has highlighted the general spread of protest by the increasing participation of right-wing individuals. Has this process meant an ‘ideological normalisation’ of protesters? The present article tackles this question by examining competing hypotheses regarding the relationship between ideology and political protest. Through a hierarchical multilevel design, the article tests whether left-wing (or right-wing) supporters are more likely to stay at home when left-wing (right-wing) parties are in power and whether they intensify their protest activities when they are more distant from the government’s ideological position. The article shows that left-wing individuals protest more under right-wing governments than under left-wing governments and yet, they are the group which protest the most also under left-wing governments. Both party mobilisation and values appear to be behind these individuals' greater propensity to participate regardless of the governments' ideological orientation. 相似文献
230.
Joe Rigby 《Citizenship Studies》2013,17(2):157-172
Since the closure of the Red Cross refugee reception centre in Sangatte, undocumented migrants in Calais hoping to cross the border to Britain have been forced to take refuge in a number of squatted migrant camps, locally known by all as ‘the jungles.’ Unauthorised shanty-like residences built by the migrants themselves, living conditions in the camps are very poor. In June 2009, European ‘noborder’ activists set up a week-long protest camp in the area with the intention of confronting the authorities over their treatment of undocumented migrants. In this article, we analyse the June 2009 noborder camp as an instance of ‘immigrant protest.’ Drawing on ethnographic materials and Jacques Rancière's work on politics and aesthetics, we construct a typology of forms of border control through which to analyse the different ways in which the politics of the noborder camp were staged, performed and policed. Developing a critique of policing practices which threatened to make immigrant protest ‘impossible’, we highlight moments of protest which, through the affirmation of an ‘axiomatic’ equality, disrupted and disarticulated the borders between citizens and non-citizens, the political and non-political. 相似文献