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231.
谈突发事件中公安机关对网络舆情的控制   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
当前,网络媒体作为一种新的信息传播形式已深入人们的日常生活,成为思想文化的集散地和社会舆论的放大器。在给政府的社会控制提供新手段的同时,网络舆论也给现有的社会管理和信息控制模式带来了挑战。在各种突发事件爆发时,如何对网络舆情实施科学有效的管理和控制,已经成为公安机关亟待解决的一个崭新课题。文章分析了网络舆情容易失控的原因,并结合公安工作和网络媒体的特点,针对公安机关在突发事件中的网络舆情控制提出了相应的方法和策略。  相似文献   
232.
The article seeks to outline the main elements through which a populist political order was built in Venezuela. It will be done, first by looking at the golden years a of Venezuelan populism (1945–1948). It will be argued that the constitution of populist politics meant: an appeal to the people, the articulation of new social relations and constitution of new political identities. Then it will turn to the latter Pérez and Caldera showing the basic schemes of their governments. They sought to reconstitute politics and reshape political identities in a new populist way. The arrival of Chávez at power and the first months of his government are also analysed.  相似文献   
233.
Abstract

Building on existing studies of worker activism in formerly communist states, this paper examines the context, nature and consequences of labour protest in China’s private sector – highlighting the specific features that have emerged from China’s unique ‘communist’ political regime and partially privatized economy. As private enterprises have grown in China, private sector worker protests have been common. Three key factors have shaped this activism: (i) a disjuncture between benevolent and protective national laws and the lived experience of workers; (ii) fluctuations in the labour market; and (iii) generational shifts and learning among workers, employers and political authorities. The interplay of these factors has led protesting private sector workers to focus their ire on their employers and on occasion local political authorities, while viewing national political leaders as sources of worker support. These dynamics have had both positive and negative consequences for private sector workers and political authorities. Making comparisons with other authoritarian and communist states, this study adds to current understandings of how specific economic and political configurations engender particular characteristics of labour activism – and how these change over time.  相似文献   
234.
Since the closure of the Red Cross refugee reception centre in Sangatte, undocumented migrants in Calais hoping to cross the border to Britain have been forced to take refuge in a number of squatted migrant camps, locally known by all as ‘the jungles.’ Unauthorised shanty-like residences built by the migrants themselves, living conditions in the camps are very poor. In June 2009, European ‘noborder’ activists set up a week-long protest camp in the area with the intention of confronting the authorities over their treatment of undocumented migrants. In this article, we analyse the June 2009 noborder camp as an instance of ‘immigrant protest.’ Drawing on ethnographic materials and Jacques Rancière's work on politics and aesthetics, we construct a typology of forms of border control through which to analyse the different ways in which the politics of the noborder camp were staged, performed and policed. Developing a critique of policing practices which threatened to make immigrant protest ‘impossible’, we highlight moments of protest which, through the affirmation of an ‘axiomatic’ equality, disrupted and disarticulated the borders between citizens and non-citizens, the political and non-political.  相似文献   
235.
《Critical Horizons》2013,14(2):127-155
Abstract

From the late seventeenth century on the idea of culture underwent a gradual transformation. Originally this concept referred essentially to the “refined” way of life of the ruling social elite (which certainly included among others also such activities as listening and making music, reading works of literature, commissioning works of fine art). Popular culture, on the other hand, refers to the usually collective practices of groups of rural and urban workers taking the form of performance. They were not only excluded from refined culture, but it was regarded as completely unsuitable for them, potentially creating dangerous social aspirations. It is with the great social transformation from feudal to bourgeois society that the idea of refined culture was replaced by that of “high culture” encompassing both the arts and the sciences: works claiming universal human significance. This “high culture” for a considerable time coexisted with the remnants of popular culture. It has been only due to the great technical advances that its true opposite, “mass culture” emerged, at the turn to twentieth century, claiming an empirical universality: being understandable and truly interesting to everyone. In economic respect, there is a competitive relation between high and mass culture. However, it is argued that there can be no cultural competition between them. For they posit differing and potentially co-existing receptive attitudes. The characterisation of this difference and the discussion of the seeming exceptions to the so-articulated conceptual scheme occupies the concluding part of this essay.  相似文献   
236.
《Critical Horizons》2013,14(2):189-210
Abstract

Police and authorities have increasingly adopted "command and control" strategies to the policing of intentionally peaceful protest crowds. These strategies work to close down access to a physical space in which a protest is to occur and thus in turn they effectively restrict the capacity of a citizen to engage in the democratic right of peaceful protest.  相似文献   
237.
当行政主体的行政行为对公共利益造成侵害或有侵害之虞时,法律应容许国家公诉机关或无直接利害关系的公民、法人或其他组织,为保护公共利益而向法院提起行政公益诉讼.这直接关系到公益保护的有效和行政权力监督的力度.在我国建立以行政公诉优先、民众诉讼为补充的行政公益诉讼模式,既能充分发挥检察机关在法律知识、办案经验,调查取证方面的优势,又动员了私权的力量来制约行政权的行使,从而构建监督行政权力的系统,促进行政权依法行使,从而维护公益.  相似文献   
238.
论民事检察权的完善   总被引:5,自引:0,他引:5  
我国民事检察权是依据列宁的法律监督理论,并结合我国国情确立起来的,适应了维护国家民事法制统一、增强和完善检察机关法律监督职能和保护国家利益、社会利益以及公民、法人的重大利益的需要。完善民事检察权需要平衡几个关系:1、监督民事诉讼同维护法院终局裁判稳定性的关系;2、国家干预和当事人处分权相统一;3、正确处理民事检察权和民事审判权关系,建立监督兼顾公诉的民事检察模式。  相似文献   
239.
本文着重研究在中国报纸副刊出现、发展过程中,显示出来的富有代表性的文化特征。确切地说,中国报纸副刊具有文化的软性色彩,针砭时弊,推进社会变革,同时形式活泼,是大众文化的载体。  相似文献   
240.
《当代亚洲杂志》2012,42(1):144-167
ABSTRACT

In China extensive, co-ordinated strikes such as those that have taken place in Cambodia in recent years remain rare, with most protests initiated by Chinese workers contained inside single factories or industrial zones. Also, while Cambodian workers often mobilise for their interests and broader policy issues, such as the determination of the minimum wage, Chinese workers largely limit themselves to protests against violations of their legal rights. How can these different patterns of labour activism be explained? Through factory gate surveys and interviews conducted during the summer of 2016 in a sample of Hong Kong-owned garment factories in Dongguan and Phnom Penh, this study provides a comparative analysis of the root causes of labour activism in China and Cambodia. In particular, the article focuses on three elements that play an important role in determining labour activism: the expectations of the workers regarding wages; the workers’ perception of the labour law and the legal system; and trade union pluralism.  相似文献   
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