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181.
Prospective investigations have demonstrated support for the cycle of violence theory. However, few studies have examined
whether or not abuse occurring during adolescence increases the prevalence and frequency of criminal involvement, or explored
the long-term consequences of such victimization. In addition, there has been little investigation of whether or not the effects
of abuse vary depending on characteristics of the victim, such as sex, race/ethnicity, age, family structure or income. Using
data from the National Youth Survey, this study demonstrates that adolescent physical abuse has immediate and enduring effects
on the prevalence and frequency of a variety of self-reported offenses, including violent and non-violent crimes, drug use
and intimate partner violence. Furthermore, the study reveals that while victimization increases the prevalence of offending
for victims of varying backgrounds, the frequency of offending is moderated by family income, area of residence, and family
structure. Implications for prevention are discussed. 相似文献
182.
Sascha?GriffingEmail author Deborah?Fish?Ragin Sheena?M.?Morrison Robert?E.?Sage Lorraine?Madry Beny?J.?Primm 《Journal of family violence》2005,20(5):341-348
Studies have demonstrated that women with a history of childhood sexual abuse (CSA) are at increased risk of revictimization,
but research has not yet examined whether a history of CSA may affect patterns of remaining in or returning to abusive relationships
in adulthood. This study examines the impact of a CSA history on decisions to return to abusive relationships in a sample
of 104 adult domestic violence survivors. Participants were interviewed about the number of times that they had previously
separated from and returned to their abusive partner, the factors that influenced their decision to return (both psychological/internal
and environmental/external factors), and their perceived likelihood of returning in the future. As predicted, CSA survivors
(n = 34) reported a significantly greater number of past separations than non-CSA survivors (n = 70). CSA survivors were also significantly more likely to report that their decisions to return were influenced by emotional
attachment to the batterer. CSA survivors did not perceive themselves to be at greater risk of returning in the future, suggesting
that they may be more likely to underestimate their vulnerability to returning to the battering relationship. Clinical implications
of the findings are discussed. 相似文献
183.
The Revised Conflict Tactics Scales (CTS2) are widely used to measure intimate partner aggression. Various aspects of the
CTS2 and its subscales have been examined, e.g. factor structure, internal consistency, and validity, but little or no evidence
exists regarding the stability of the self-report of aggression on the CTS2 This study examines the stability of reports of
aggression against a partner on the CTS2 among 82 men court-mandated to a batterer intervention program. At both testing times
men reported on aggression occurring in the year prior to beginning treatment. Using variety scores, stability of report was
strong for psychological aggression (r = 0.69), physical assault (r = 0.76), injury (r = 0.70), and negotiation (r = 0.60), but weaker for sexual coercion (r = 0.30). Implications for the use of the CTS2 in court-mandated populations are discussed.
相似文献
K. Daniel O’LearyEmail: |
184.
Lauren Bennett Cattaneo Margret E. Bell Lisa A. Goodman Mary Ann Dutton 《Journal of family violence》2007,22(6):429-440
Using four categories of accuracy (true positive, false positive, true negative, false negative), this study explored (1)
how accurately intimate partner violence (IPV) victims are able to assess their risk of re-abuse; and (2) potential predictors
of accuracy. Women seeking help for IPV (N = 246) rated the likelihood that they would experience physical re-abuse in the coming year and then reported 18 months later
whether those risks had been realized. Victim assessments were more likely to be right than wrong, and were subject to neither
a pessimistic nor optimistic bias. In the multivariate analysis, significant/marginally significant predictors of the accuracy
categories were the history of violence from this and former partners, level of substance use, PTSD symptoms, and the recency
of the violence. Among the more robust findings were the connection between level of stalking and true positives, and between
substance use and false negatives. This study suggests that victim assessments have significant potential to inform practice,
and deserve further exploration.
相似文献
Lauren Bennett CattaneoEmail: |
185.
In jurisdictions across the United States, the mandated arrest of individuals perpetrating domestic violence crimes termed
“mandatory arrest” or “pro-arrest” policies has become a key policy solution to the issue of domestic violence. The purposes
of the policies are to standardize the police response to, and increase the number of, arrests stemming from domestic violence
incidents by removing or reducing police discretion to arrest. In 1994, the New York state legislature passed the Family Protection
and Domestic Violence Intervention Act, which contained provisions enacting a mandatory arrest statute. Using information
from 183 callers to a telephone helpline for victims of domestic violence, we describe four unintended consequences of the
policy: “unwanted,” “dual,” “retaliatory,” and “no” arrest. Bi- and multivariate analyses are used to identify victim and
perpetrator sociodemographic, situational, and legal factors associated with each arrest type. Results are discussed in the
context of the effects of mandatory arrest policies and minimizing problems associated with it in the future.
Victoria Frye Was the Director of Epidemiology and Surveillance for the Injury Prevention Program of the New York City Department of Health. 相似文献
Victoria FryeEmail: |
Victoria Frye Was the Director of Epidemiology and Surveillance for the Injury Prevention Program of the New York City Department of Health. 相似文献
186.
JONATHAN TONGE 《The Political quarterly》2012,83(2):219-226
The episodic dissident republican activity evident in Northern Ireland since the Good Friday Agreement has been accompanied by regular assertions from the police, politicians and commentators that dissidents have no backing. This article examines the historic importance of mandates and support for previous and contemporary republican armed campaigns. It explores whether violent republicans have ever enjoyed widespread support in Ireland and assesses the extent to which a lack of backing has precluded violent campaigns. The piece analyses the evidence regarding the lack of sympathy for current dissident violence, assessing the degree to which armed republicanism has reached a new level of isolation. 相似文献
187.
There is reason to suspect that lower levels of exposure to criminogenic peer‐based risks help explain why immigrant youth are less involved in crime and violence. However, it also is possible that if and when they do encounter these risks, immigrant youth are more vulnerable to them than are native‐born youth. Drawing from literature on the adaptation experiences of immigrant adolescents, we hypothesize that immigrant youth will be relatively more susceptible to the effects of both 1) exposure to deviant peers and 2) unstructured and unsupervised socializing with peers when compared with their nonimmigrant counterparts. Using a sample of approximately 1,800 adolescents from the Project on Human Development in Chicago Neighborhoods (PHDCN) study, we find support for our first hypothesis but not the second. Specifically, in both cross‐sectional and longitudinal models, we find that exposure to deviant peers has a greater impact on violence among immigrant youth than it does for native‐born youth. Furthermore, this pattern of results is supported with supplemental, sensitivity analysis using the AddHealth data. In contrast, there are no statistically significant differences across immigrant generation status with regard to the effect of informal socializing with peers on violence. 相似文献
188.
《Justice Quarterly》2012,29(2):249-273
The volatile political environment that surrounds the issue of “racial profiling” has led local and state police agencies across the nation to start collecting information about traffic and pedestrian stops. The controversy over this issue is overwhelmed by the unsupported assumption that all race-based decision making by police officers is motivated by individual police officers' racial prejudice. This article reviews recently published studies on racial profiling and critiques both their methods and conclusions. Using the conceptual framework for police research presented by Bernard and Engel, it reviews a number of theories that may explain racial disparities in the rates of police stops. The authors argue that to explain police behavior better, theoretical models must guide future data collection efforts. 相似文献
189.
《Justice Quarterly》2012,29(3):297-316
Using domestic violence incidence and arrest data from Maryland (1991–1997), this research examines whether the proportion of incidents that result in arrest increased due to a legislative initiative implemented in 1994 and, if so, whether this change is uniform across different types of offenders (race and gender) and offense characteristics. Using interrupted time‐series analysis (ARIMA), we observe an increase in both the number of incidents reported to police and the percent of reported cases resulting in arrest. The legislative intervention has a significant positive impact on arrest likelihood above and beyond the increase over time for the state as a whole. While arrest probabilities increased across the board for males and females, African American and Whites, the ARIMA models do not suggest that the legislation differentially impacted arrest probabilities for these groups. 相似文献
190.
《Justice Quarterly》2012,29(4):644-669
A prominent perspective in the gang literature suggests that gang member involvement in drug selling does not necessarily increase violent behavior. In addition it is unclear from previous research whether neighborhood disadvantage strengthens that relationship. We address these issues by testing hypotheses regarding the confluence of neighborhood disadvantage, gang membership, drug selling, and violent behavior. A three‐level hierarchical model is estimated from the first five waves of the 1997 National Longitudinal Survey of Youth, matched with block‐group characteristics from the 2000 U.S. Census. Results indicate that (1) gang members who sell drugs are significantly more violent than gang members that don’t sell drugs and drug sellers that don’t belong to gangs; (2) drug sellers that don’t belong to gangs and gang members who don’t sell drugs engage in comparable levels of violence; and (3) an increase in neighborhood disadvantaged intensifies the effect of gang membership on violence, especially among gang members that sell drugs. 相似文献