A Review of the Use of Social Support in Anti-Bullying Programs

Abstract

Bullying is a significant problem in schools across America. Educators are dealing with the problem of bullying through the implementation of various anti-bullying programs. Additionally, researchers are studying the problem and have begun to focus on the importance of contextual factors surrounding bullying such as social support (Beran & Tutty, 2002; Demaray & Malecki, 2003; Furlong, Chung, Bates, & Morrison, 1995; Malecki & Demaray, 2004a; Natvig, Albrektsen, & Qvarnstrom, 2001; Rigby, 2000; Rigby & Slee, 1999). Social support is an important contextual factor to consider in the bullying cycle. However, the use of social support in anti-bullying programs and interventions is often not explicit or is lacking. This paper provides an overview of the research on social support as a contextual variable in bullying behaviors and reviews six existing anti-bullying programs with a specific focus on how they incorporate social support elements into their interventions.     

警察工作倦怠及其缓解措施

警察工作倦怠的现状不言而喻。影响警察工作倦怠的主要因素有自我效能感、社会支持和工作负荷。缓解警察工作倦怠的具体措施有:提高警察的自我效能感;加强对警察的社会支持,减少警察的工作负荷;加强运动和休闲活动。公安机关缓解警察工作倦怠、提高警察心理健康,对推动公安工作具有重要的现实意义。     

农民合作组织在农村社会保障和农业生产中的作用

引导、扶持农民合作组织是解决“三农”问题的重要举措。《宪法》、《农民专业经济合作组织法》赋予我国农民合作组织合法地位。我国目前已出现了一些农民自发成立的经济和专业技术合作组织,应该重视农民合作组织发展中的问题,充分发挥农民合作组织在农村社会保障和农业生产中的作用,同时尊重合作组织的自主性,对农民合作组织的发展提供法律保障。     

Perceived human rights and support for new democracies: lessons from Mexico

Political elites in emerging democracies are likely to promise improvements on human rights. From an empirical perspective, however, emerging democracies tend to perform rather poorly in this domain. Given this tension between elite rhetoric and performance, it is important to examine the extent to which citizens in emerging democracies evaluate democracy and new democratic leaders' performance on the bases of their perceptions of respect for human rights. This topic remains largely unexplored and conventional wisdom suggests that economic satisfaction, not human rights concerns, drives individuals' support for democracy. We aim to fill this gap in the literature by investigating the extent to which specific and diffuse political support is related to individuals' perceptions of respect for human rights in the context of an emerging democracy. Taking advantage of two representative survey data sets from Mexico from 2003 and 2010, our empirical findings suggest that citizens are more likely to support their president, their government and democratization when they believe that human rights are respected. By examining the relationship between democracy and human rights protections at the individual level, our research is a pioneering effort to better explain the interaction between the prospects of democratic consolidation and perceptions of human rights.     

Understanding support for democracy in new and old democracies in the Americas: the role of democratic experience

This article develops and evaluates a set of expectations regarding the mechanisms via which democratic experience could shape support for democracy. In line with previous studies, one straightforward possibility considered is that experience with democracy fosters greater affective support for democracy, making citizens of old democracies more supportive of this regime independently of government performance and other characteristics. Another possibility considered is that democratic experience mediates the importance of performance assessments in citizens’ judgments about democracy, decreasing the importance of economic performance assessments, while increasing that of political performance assessments. Statistical analyses of public opinion data from 23 countries in the Americas indicate that the effect of democratic experience on support for democracy is not statistically significant. Rather, democratic experience conditions the effects of performance assessments on support for democracy. The evidence also supports the assertion that experience with democracy, and not economic development, is what conditions the effects of performance assessments on support for democracy.     

Is democracy the only game in town? Tension between immigrants' democratic desires and authoritarian imprints

This article borrows from the literature on transitional democracies to examine levels of support for democracy and non-democratic alternatives among immigrants travelling from partly and non-democratic countries to Canada. It evaluates how immigrants who grew up under authoritarian rule come to adapt to democracy. The findings indicate that immigrants from partly and non-democratic countries experience tensions in their adaptation to democracy, expressing strong democratic desires but also manifesting what could be interpreted as lasting imprints of their socialization under authoritarian rule. Immigrants from partly and non-democratic countries exhibit strong support for democracy (they almost all believe it is a good form of government, the best one, and understand democracy in broadly similar terms as the rest of the population). Yet, if democracy is the main game in town for the immigrants, it is not the only one; immigrants from partly and non-democratic countries are significantly more likely than people socialized in a democratic political system to support other forms of governments that are non-democratic. The article thus argues for the lasting impact of authoritarianism on people's democratic outlooks despite the presence of strong democratic desires.     

How well ordinary citizens understand democracy: the case of the South Korean electorate

How do mass citizens understand democracy? Are they capable of distinguishing it from its non-democratic alternatives? Does their understanding about democracy matter? To reveal the contours of cultural democratization in South Korea, this article addresses these questions largely overlooked in earlier survey-based studies. Analyses of the 2010 Korea Barometer survey indicate that all segments of the Korean electorate, including the young and the college-educated, are neither accurately nor fully informed about what distinguishes a democratic regime from its non-democratic alternatives. Moreover, the study provides strong evidence of democratic learning in that an increase in democratic knowledge leads to committed support for democracy. The findings together imply an urgent need to improve the quality of civic education for the development of democratic political culture in Korea and new democracies.     

Gender and Professional Values in the Criminal Bar

ABSTRACT

This study is a theoretical application and empirical test of difference theory in the context of private criminal law practice. Difference theory posits that gender is associated with variation in perspectives on justice and morality, and examination of mainstream professional values in the legal system reveals those values to emphasize what are thought to be masculinist values. Hence it is hypothesized that female lawyers will depart from male norms in their expressions of professional values. Results of a survey of practicing lawyers reveals limited support for these theoretical predictions; although male respondents express more extreme advocacy of due process and defendants' rights, women and men differ little in their attitudes toward punishment issues and cynicism regarding defendants.     

APPLYING A GENERAL STRAIN THEORY FRAMEWORK TO UNDERSTAND SCHOOL WEAPON CARRYING AMONG LGBQ AND HETEROSEXUAL YOUTH

Lesbian, gay, bisexual, and questioning (LGBQ) youth are at a higher risk for school victimization, social isolation, and school weapon carrying compared with their heterosexual peers, yet few studies have been conducted to investigate their experiences. By using a general strain theory (GST) framework, data from the Youth Risk Behavior Survey (YRBS) statewide probability sample of Delaware heterosexual (n = 7,688) and LGBQ (n = 484) youth in grades 9–12 show that there are both similarities and differences in the factors associated with school weapon carrying among LGBQ and heterosexual youth. LGBQ and heterosexual youth's weapon carrying is related to school victimization, but social support does not moderate the relationship between school victimization and school weapon carrying as suggested by GST. Furthermore, being male is significantly related to heterosexual youth's weapon carrying, but sex is not related to weapon carrying among LGBQ youth. Overall, the results highlight a need to reconceptualize GST to help center the experiences of LGBQ youth, a historically marginalized group, within mainstream criminological literature. Theoretical and policy implications are discussed.