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871.
《国际相互影响》2012,38(4):323-346

Employing events indices for cooperation and conflict from the COPDAB data set, the graphic structuring process established by Steven Brams, and several alternative methods of quantifying the resulting event digraphs, this paper examines the utility of the graphic structuring process in efforts at explanation and prediction. Arguing that if the graphic structure represents an underlying structural order in the foreign policy behavior of states, predictability should exist between the graphic portrayal and other behavioral structures around it. Despite face validity in the sociometric qualities of the digraph results, little predictive capability was uncovered. The paper explains the testing process, disc asses the test results, and proposes alternative uses for the structural mapping procedure.  相似文献   
872.
2012年是东帝汶独立10周年,也是中国与东帝汶建立外交关系10周年。建交以来,两国本着真诚友好、平等相待、相互支持、共同发展的原则,双边关系稳步发展。  相似文献   
873.
《国际相互影响》2012,38(1):51-73
One of the most important debates in the field of international relations is over the effect of regime type on militarized conflict. This debate, however, has rarely extended to how regime type influences other aspects of foreign policy. Using a computer simulated intergroup prisoner's dilemma, we investigate whether democratic decisionmaking groups are more cooperative than authoritarian decisionmaking groups. We argue that differences between cooperation tendencies of groups can be explained by the structure of the decision process. Repeated simulations show that democracies tend to be more consistent in their decisions in comparison to authoritarian groups. Implications for international relations theory and policy are discussed.  相似文献   
874.
2012年是中日邦交正常化40周年。40年来,特别是近20年来,日本政局动荡,政策多变。与此相比,中国对日本政策则具有较强的稳定性与连续性。当然,在不同时期、不同情况下,中国对日本政策重点和具体做法也会有所调整。这些主要是针对日本方面发生变化所作出的反应,同时也与中国国内外一些因素的变化有关。相关研究通常是日本专家学者热衷研究的题目,但往往是仁者见仁、智者见智。为增进相互理解,中日两国互不为敌,相互支持对方的和平发展,符合两国共同的根本利益。  相似文献   
875.
This article examines how provincial and territorial government agencies and prison authorities in Canada promote new penal infrastructure initiatives. Through an analysis of press releases, websites, opening ceremonies and open houses to promote jail and prison construction projects, our analysis reveals discourses that are legitimating carceral expansion in the Canadian context including: the pursuit of public safety and institutional security; providing opportunities for rehabilitation and healing; addressing the legacies of colonization through the ‘indigenizing’ of imprisonment; generating economic stimulus through prison-related employment and other financial contributions; and the establishment of ‘environmentally-friendly’ prisons. Drawing from government records obtained using Access to Information and Freedom of Information requests, we also provide examples of how front stage messages communicated to the public are assembled by bureaucrats and marketing firms in the back stage of these punishment campaigns.  相似文献   
876.
This article spotlights racial microaggressions as relevant for understanding delinquency and the race gap in offending among middle-schoolers. In doing so, we draw on an emerging body of delinquency research rooted in general strain theory that demonstrates the emotional and behavioral tolls of face-to-face discrimination. We contend that this body of research has not established the full impact of racial microaggressions on delinquency because it has not considered that the specter of microaggressive encounters follows African American youth in particular from experience to experience. Specifically, we propose that racial microaggressions influence juvenile offending both directly—as previously documented—and by exacerbating the impact of co-occurring stressful events and experiences on negative emotions and delinquency. Using data collected at a southeastern middle-school, we find support for this proposition, empirically documenting that racial microaggressions interact with co-occurring stressful experiences in OLS models predicting delinquency.  相似文献   
877.
Laws named after specific crime victims have become increasingly common. These laws are part of a broader effort to downgrade the status and rehabilitative needs of offenders and to hear the voices and trumpet the legitimate concerns of victims—often as a means of justifying punitive crime control policies. Beyond the substantive merit of individual statutes, collectively these named laws provide a clear image of which victims warrant protection and memorialization: Victims who are vulnerable in some way, who are pursued by predatory criminals into their otherwise safe domains, and—above all—who are White. In this regard, an analysis of 51 named laws from 1990 to 2016 reveals that the vast majority of them (86.3%) honor White victims. In asking the question, “Where is Latisha’s Law?,” we seek to illuminate the virtual invisibility of African American victims and the implicit social construction of which lives matter more in American society.  相似文献   
878.
Cases concerning polygamous households can present difficult challenges for family courts. Though a growing number of Americans practice polygamy, the lifestyle still remains shrouded in mystery. Many polygamists are religious (and sometimes racial) minorities that have suffered from discrimination. The most influential judicial precedents concerning polygamy come from the nineteenth century and are tinged with religious and racial stereotypes, which can make judges uncomfortable with citing those decisions. There is a need for reliable, unprejudiced, and up‐to‐date information about polygamy that judges can cite while maintaining an image of objectivity and impartiality. This Article seeks to provide that resource. It provides information about the evolutionary influences that shape polygamy, how polygamy is practiced in the modern world, and common problems affecting polygamous households that judges should be aware of.  相似文献   
879.
880.
In 1991 Vitaly Churkin, a Soviet Minister for Foreign Economic Cooperation, stated that economic links between Russia and Cuba were “doomed” to continue. This gave a very negative impression of the relationship, but quickly he appeared to be incorrect because by the end of 1992 little seemed to remain of the 30-year relationship. However, as the 1990s progressed, the relationship continued to function and then improve. Fundamental to this were the principles of the realist paradigm of International Relations, which has been vital since the relationship’s inception in the aftermath of the Cuban Revolution, in conjunction with a long-term legacy. The outcome is that Russia and Cuba are indeed “doomed” comrades.  相似文献   
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