论职务侵占案件中国家工作人员共同犯罪的定性

职务侵占案件中国家工作人员共同犯罪的类型比较复杂，其中国家工作人员与单位工作人员相互勾结，各自利用职务便利将单位财物占为己有的，其定性最具争议。对于该情形，仍然应当依照身份者的实行行为决定共同身份犯的性质这一原则定为职务侵占罪，而不能分别定罪、以主犯定罪或定贪污罪。     

多元文化政策下的阴影——试析澳大利亚的反种族歧视

澳大利亚政府自二十世纪七十年代以来 ,逐步废除了白澳政策 ,推行多元文化政策。但二十年来 ,白澳政策阴魂不散 ,不时爆发种族主义事件和言论 ,华人和其他亚裔人深爱其害。另一方面 ,澳大利亚的种族主义也受到本国主流社会、亚洲国家和华侨华人的批评和反对。本文试就对种族主义的表现、发生的原因以及各方面的态度和反应作进一步的探讨。     

Adivasiness as Caste Expression and Land Rights Claim-Making in Central-Eastern India

ABSTRACT

The adivasi population represents a special case in India’s new land wars. Strong individual and community rights to agricultural and forest lands have been enacted for this group based on notions of adivasi identities as primeval, but without linking these to economic and political influence. This article interrogates the adivasi land question seen through a caste lens. It does so via case studies in two states to understand the ways in which adivasi identity can be mobilised for its instrumental value and used to demand land rights. In Andhra Pradesh, the Supreme Court’s Samatha Judgement has prevented virtually all private mining activities. In Jharkhand, however, similar legislation is seen to be trumped by the national Coal Bearing Areas Act, as well as by former and current land acquisition acts that allow industrial land claims to take precedence over identity-based ones. Available evidence indicates the challenges involved in bringing support for land rights that are premised on a supposedly unchanging adivasi identity when these rights go against dominant interests. This circumstance serves to highlight the possibilities present in caste analysis to understand the plight of adivasis, despite their usually distinct treatment in scholarly analyses.     

Facebook: An Emerging Arena for Politics of Self-Determination in northern Cyprus?

ABSTRACT

The present article aims to expand scholarship on the political role of social media by focusing on the case of Facebook and the self-determination claims of Turkish Cypriots vis-à-vis Turkey. Drawing upon a virtual ethnography of relevant Facebook sites and groups, this article scrutinises whether social media offer an innovative public platform for the politics of self-determination or on-line claims are in reality formed and negotiated in the same manner as the offline ones. The article concludes that Turkish Cypriots’ Facebook activism may very well be for strengthening their community, shielding their distinct characteristics from mainland Turkey and raising their self-esteem, rather than indicating demands for complete autonomy in the traditional political sense of the word and/or statehood.     

天人合一思想的当代诠释学意义

近年来 ,许多学者都注意到天人合一这一中国古代哲学思想蕴含着深刻的生态意义 ,但是 ,几乎都将其解释为天人“同”一而不是天人“合”一或天人“和”一。这种差异是巨大的 ,前者所追求的是自然与人的混沌未分 ,而后者则强调自然与人是分离并矛盾的 ,正因为其矛盾而构成了相互不可或缺的差异协同的互补性整体。     

共犯与身份问题初探——兼与日本刑法之比较

日本刑法65条对共犯与身份作了规定,我国刑法总则中没有涉及这个问题。日本刑法65条同时体现了"身份的连带作用"和"身份的个别作用"这一对看似矛盾的概念,而从共同犯罪的本质出发,也没有办法解决。只能从违法身份的连带作用和责任身份的个别作用这个角度,来消除这个矛盾。     

大隈重信的“东西文明调和论”

东西文明调和论是日俄战争后在日本思想界兴起的一股带有文明使命观性质的思想潮流,其代表人物是大隈重信。该理论是作为解决当时欧美排斥日本移民问题的思想手段登上历史舞台的,其核心内容是＂对于东洋来说,日本是西洋文明的介绍者;对于西洋来说,日本是东洋文明的代表者＂。该理论为大隈重信的对外政策论：＂支那保全论＂和＂日英同盟论＂提供了理论支持。该理论具有对西洋先进国的从属性和对落后于西洋的东洋后进诸国的优越性的双重性质,其特征是完全无视东洋后进诸国的主权和自主性,因此最终沦为日本帝国主义对亚洲实施侵略的意识形态。     

近亲属请求死亡赔偿的法理基础

死亡抚恤金是国家或有关单位按相关法规规定给予死者近亲属和被扶养人一定金额的慰问金及生活补助费,抚恤金代替不了死亡赔偿。死者已无从取得主张赔偿的权利,但法律不能无视利益受到损害的近亲属。基于身份关系的重要性,从亲属法的角度进行分析,应当以近亲属身份权被侵害作为近亲属索赔的理论依据,近亲属不仅可以向直接致害人提起死亡赔偿,也可以要求学校和政府承担起相应的责任,这样才能使近亲属被侵害的身份利益得到真正的救济。     

REASSESSING RACE DISPARITIES IN MARYLAND CAPITAL CASES*

A generation of research studies that were conducted in multiple states and covered different time periods has found evidence that individuals who kill white victims encounter a greater risk of facing the death penalty than killers of black victims. More recently, research has also examined the likelihood of death penalty processing for black defendants who kill white victims in comparison with other defendant–victim race groups. In particular, a study in Maryland conducted by Paternoster et al. (2003) found evidence that offenders in black defendant–white victim cases were more likely to be death noticed by prosecutors and to receive a death sentence than other offenders. A recent analysis by Berk, Li, and Hickman (2005) raised questions about some of these findings. In this article, we conduct new analyses and conclude that black defendants who kill white victims face a greater risk of adverse treatment than other types of defendants.