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291.
马科斯执政时期 ,由于天主教内部的变革以及菲律宾国内的特殊情况 ,菲律宾天主教会积极参与政治活动 ,同马科斯政权的关系经历了从合作到对抗的转变。菲律宾天主教会在推翻马科斯独裁统治的运动中发挥了无以替代的重要作用。 相似文献
292.
Kathryn Stewart Paul J. Gruenewald Robert Nash Parker 《Journal of Quantitative Criminology》1992,8(4):375-394
Tougher sanctions for drunk driving have often been advocated as a means to reduce this problematic behavior. In a test of administrative per se laws as a specific deterrent, the impact of introducing such laws is evaluated by examining reconviction rates of offenders before and after implementation of the Jaw in three states (North Dakota, Louisiana, and Mississippi), with comparisons made to a fourth state during the same time period that did not implement an administrative per se law (California). Recidivism is analyzed using survival models. The results indicate that administrative per se laws reduce rates of reconviction in some situations but not in others. In particular, if implementation of the law is accompanied by changes in overall rates of license actions, the specific deterrent effects of the law may be outweighed by the increased efficiencies of this judicial process. 相似文献
293.
欧洲议会关于《2018年前欧盟海运政策战略目标及建议》的2010年5月5日决议[2009/2095(INl)]明确建议欧盟成员国应当推动《鹿特丹规则》的尽快签署、批准和执行,以构建崭新的海事责任体系。欧洲共同体船东协会(ECSA)、国际航运公会(ICS)、波罗的海国际海运公会(BIMCO)以及世界海运理事会(WSC)联合发布新闻,对这一建议表示欢迎。 相似文献
294.
295.
Frank Pearce 《Economy and Society》2013,42(1):48-73
In this article there is both theoretical argument and historical analysis. The main substantive focus is the ancien régime and the French Revolution. Foucault’s work has contributed greatly to the understanding of the nature of these, but the concepts, categories and historical accounts of Caillois and Klossowski are here deployed to enrich, and to some significant extent, displace his analyses. A primary concern is with contributing a further sociological dimension to the debates concerning the execution of Louis XVI/Louis Capet. 相似文献
296.
Trips协议给发展中国家带来了意料之外的好处:首先,发展中国家可根据本国国情自行确定知识产权执行措施;其次,知识产权与贸易挂钩也给发展中国家提供了以前没有的且是可靠的威慑手段:在自己国内市场中止相关国家知识产权保护。将知识产权纳入到多边贸易体制,发展中国家可以拿发达国家的其他贸易问题,就本国知识产权执行水平与发达国家讨价还价,发达国家的知识产权人将会发现:它们已经卷入到和自己无直接利害关系的国内政治博弈当中了。 相似文献
297.
Abstract Marketization and state restructuring are proceeding apace in China and Vietnam. China and Vietnam are not, however, converging upon the global regulatory model, even allowing for customary national variations. Rather, they are building up distinctive forms of regulatory regimes aiming to maintain the party-state's control over key state sectors, while at the same time integrating with the global economy and conforming to international norms and standards. This study argues that the regulatory model being adopted in Vietnam and China is the product of a specific kind of transition from a command to a market economy within an authoritarian political regime. While diffusion theories are of use in identifying external driving forces for the reform effort, these theories are of limited value for unveiling the dynamics of local contexts. Indigenous incentives, opportunity structures, and the experimental nature of public policy explain why, despite their exposure to global reform movements and commitment to multilateral institutions, China and Vietnam are likely to end up not with just a variety of the same regulatory regime, but a different one. The case of telecommunications regulation is used to illustrate this. 相似文献
298.
Sylvia Walby 《Economy and Society》2013,42(4):533-557
Feminism is being re-shaped by its articulation through a global discourse of human rights and an increased focus on state interventions. This is partly a result of the transition in the gender regime changing the economic and political resources and opportunities open to women and partly due to globalization. Globalization has not only created difficulties for democratic governance, but it has also facilitated the development of new spaces, institutions and rhetoric where universal human rights is a powerful justificatory principle. 相似文献
299.
Abstract Traditional analyses of Taiwan crises have relied mainly on deterrence theory for their explanatory power. This approach fails to account for China's risk-taking behavior, which can be explained by prospect theory. We suggest that Chinese leaders are more likely to use more risky military coercion against Taiwan's pro-independence movements within a domain of losses, i.e., when their regime faces serious domestic and international challenges to its security. Conversely, Chinese leaders are more likely to employ less risky political pressure to oppose Taiwan's pro-independence forces if their decision making takes place in a domain of gains, i.e., when the security of China's regime is not challenged. We conclude that maintaining a good US–China relationship is the best strategy for the United States to help prevent military crises in the Taiwan Strait. 相似文献
300.
Wendy Frieman 《The Pacific Review》2013,26(1):51-62
Abstract The implementation of foreign direct investment (FDI) policies in China shows that domestic considerations were not the only factors shaping the course of China's opening up to the world economy. Foreign response was often taken into account as the Chinese government felt its way through the process of reform. Focusing on Japanese FDI in China, this article explores the liberalization of China's FDI regime and traces the impact of China's negotiations with and accommodation to pressure from foreign business and governments. 相似文献