依法执政的宪政思考

依法执政的宪政含义是:执政党依照宪法和法律执掌国家政权,执政党在国家体制内而不是在体制外执政,通过其组织和成员进入国家政权的各级机关、各个部门的具体方式来运作国家制度,领导国家生活。必须理顺执政党与人大机关的宪政关系,准确把握执政党与行政机关的宪政关系,完善执政党与司法机关的宪政关系。     

试析昂山素季对缅甸军政权态度的转变

2003年4月23日,昂山素季对缅甸军政权的态度发生了转变,首次公开抱怨与军政权的秘密谈判没有取得进展.2003年4月25日,缅甸军政权认为反对派领袖昂山素季的抱怨是毫无意义的,认为上述批评无助于全国和解.国家和平与发展委员会新总理钦纽上将在2003年8月30日讲话中提出了关于国民大会推动缅甸国家未来政治走向的新计划.钦纽将军还阐明了缅甸民主"路线图"的七个步骤,并声明将重新启动1996年临时中断的国民大会;按照国民大会制定的基本原则起草新宪法草案;举行全民公投,通过宪法草案;按照新宪法举行公平的大选以组成议会;由议会选举产生新政府.以昂山素季为首的缅甸反对派和国内外政治活动分子对这一计划进行了谴责.     

机制创新与地区合作--以东盟非正式决策机制为例的分析

东盟的"5-1"决策方式和抽象肯定、具体否定的决策惯例是东盟正式决策机制所没有的,是东盟在具体的合作过程中的一个创新,是东盟决策机制的创新;这一创新很好地解决了国家利益和地区利益之间的冲突问题,是东盟具体合作得以开展的一个重要因素.     

中国国家荣誉制度立法的历史考察( 1881 -1949)

晚清政府在借鉴西方勋章制度的基础上,颁发了《奏定宝星章程》,开了近代中国国家荣誉立法之先河.其后的民国政府颁发了《勋章章程》、《颁给勋章条例》等系列规范,构建了以勋章制度为基本内核的国家荣誉制度.早期中共政权也制定了英模表彰等方面的条例和规范.中国近代以来诸如此类的国家荣誉立法例,为新中国的国家荣誉制度立法和建设提供了历史借鉴和启示.     

欧洲共同体船东协会等国际组织赞赏欧洲议会支持《鹿特丹规则》

欧洲议会关于《2018年前欧盟海运政策战略目标及建议》的2010年5月5日决议[2009/2095（INl）]明确建议欧盟成员国应当推动《鹿特丹规则》的尽快签署、批准和执行,以构建崭新的海事责任体系。欧洲共同体船东协会（ECSA）、国际航运公会（ICS）、波罗的海国际海运公会（BIMCO）以及世界海运理事会（WSC）联合发布新闻,对这一建议表示欢迎。     

The role of the Asia Pacific Partnership in discursive contestation of the international climate regime

After withdrawing from the Kyoto Protocol, the US Bush Administration and the Australian Howard Government pursued an international climate change policy focussed on voluntary international agreements outside the UN climate negotiations. This strategy included the formation of several climate agreements directed at technology development, including the 2005 Asia Pacific Partnership on Clean Development and Climate (APP). The APP provides a model for international climate change policy directed at voluntary national greenhouse gas intensity targets, technology development through sectoral public–private partnerships and technology diffusion through trade. This article situates the APP within these US and Australian inspired climate agreements formed outside the UN negotiations. Bäckstrand and Lövbrand’s (in M. Pettenger (ed.) The social construction of climate change: power knowledge norms discourses, 2007) discourse analysis in relation to the international climate negotiations is used to explore differences between the APP and UN climate treaties. We find the APP embodies a discourse of what we call ‘deregulatory ecological modernisation’ that promotes limited public funding to ease informational failures in markets for cleaner technologies and management practices. The deregulatory ecological modernisation discourse is a deeply intensive market liberal approach to international climate change policy, which contests binding emission reduction targets and the development of a global carbon market. The USA, Australia, Japan and Canada represented a core group of countries that used the APP to promote the deregulatory ecological modernisation discourse and thereby contest any deepening of developed nations' emission reduction targets for the post-2012 period. However, with changes of leadership and new parties in power in the USA and Australia, it appears that the deregulatory ecological modernisation discourse has lost ground compared to a reengagement with discourses supportive of developed country emission reduction targets and equity-based adaptation and technology transfer assistance for developing nations.     

Political culture,state elites and regional security in West Africa

This article analyses the dominant patterns of political culture among West Africa's state elites in an attempt to understand what standards, beliefs and principles they cherish. We suggest that although there are significant differences across the region's states, the dominant political culture can be characterised as neopatrimonial, that is, systems based on personalised structures of authority where patron–client relationships operate behind a façade of ostensibly rational state bureaucracy. In order to explore these issues the article proceeds in four parts. After providing a definition of political culture and why it is an important topic of analysis, we examine the central characteristics of the political culture held by state elites in the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) region. The section ‘The Nigerian factor’ briefly discusses some of the malign effects that this culture has had upon governance and political economy issues in the regional giant, Nigeria. The final section explores whether the region's elites are living up to their own claims that they are embarking upon a serious attempt to engage in state reconstruction or are instead simply searching for alternative ways to sell their more traditional concern with regime protection. We conclude that, without a fundamental recasting of the political culture guiding the region's elites, a security culture that prioritises democracy and human security is unlikely to emerge within ECOWAS.     

Welfare reforms and socio-economic trends in the 10 new EU member states of Central and Eastern Europe

The paper reviews recent socio-economic changes in the 10 new EU member states of Central and Eastern Europe and the earlier and latest debates on the emergence of the post-communist welfare state regime. It asks two questions: are the new EU member states more similar to each other in their social problems encountered than to the rest of the EU world? Do they exhibit enough common socio-economic and institutional features to group them into the distinct/unified post-communist welfare regime that deviates from any well-known welfare state typology?The findings of this paper indicate that despite some slight variation within, the new EU countries exhibit lower indicators compared to the EU-15 as it comes to the minimum wage and social protection expenditure. The degree of material deprivation and the shadow economy is on average also higher if compared to the EU-15 or the EU-27. However, then it comes to at-risk-of-poverty rate after social transfers or Gini index, some Eastern European outliers especially the Check Republic, but also Slovenia, Slovakia and Hungary perform the same or even better than the old capitalist democracies. Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia, Romania, Bulgaria, Poland, however, show many similarities in their social indicators and performances and this group of countries never perform better than the EU-15 or the EU-27 averages. Nevertheless, the literature reviews on welfare state development in the CEE region reveal a number of important institutional features in support of identifying the distinct/unified post-communist welfare regime. Most resilient of it are: an insurance-based programs that played a major part in the social protection system; high take-up of social security; relatively low social security benefits; increasing signs of liberalization of social policy; and the experience of the Soviet/Communist type of welfare state, which implies still deeply embedded signs of solidarity and universalism.     

新生代农民工社会适应研究——基于浙江省杭州市的调查

当前,新生代农民工逐渐成为流动人口群体的主力,其社会适应程度不仅关系到农民工个体的生存质量和发展可能,也关系到城乡居民之间的关系,甚至还牵涉到整个社会和谐与稳定程度。本研究对在浙江省杭州市务工的新生代农民工的社会适应展开了调查。调查发现新生代农民工在心理认同上有一定的趋同性,社会交往上呈现封闭性,而经济生存上有着明显的脆弱性。增强新生代农民工社会适应要积极推进户籍改革,要继续增强新生代农民工的心理适应,要逐步加强新生代农民工的社会交往,要努力促进新生代农民工的经济适应。     

太行革命根据地“三三制”政权建设研究

邓小平不仅为"三三制"政权建设增添了理论光辉,而且是"三三制"政权建设的主要实践者。以邓小平常驻的太行革命根据地为基础,展开对"三三制"政权建设的研究。首先初步了解"三三制"的提出和原因,然后结合太行革命根据地情况,分析"三三制"政权建设方法:成立晋冀鲁豫边区政府;统一认识,加强工作;稳步推进,深入人心;实事求是,认真执行;最后概括"三三制"落实情况:起到了巩固政权的目的,发现了建设中的问题,提出了政权建设的启示。