Social change and social conflict in nineteenth century England: A comment

This article addresses the potential for food movements to bring about substantive changes to the current global food system. After describing the current corporate food regime, we apply Karl Polanyi's ‘double-movement’ thesis on capitalism to explain the regime's trends of neoliberalism and reform. Using the global food crisis as a point of departure, we introduce a comparative analytical framework for different political and social trends within the corporate food regime and global food movements, characterizing them as ‘Neoliberal’, ‘Reformist’, ‘Progressive’, and ‘Radical’, respectively, and describe each trend based on its discourse, model, and key actors, approach to the food crisis, and key documents. After a discussion of class, political permeability, and tensions within the food movements, we suggest that the current food crisis offers opportunities for strategic alliances between Progressive and Radical trends within the food movement. We conclude that while the food crisis has brought a retrenchment of neoliberalization and weak calls for reform, the worldwide growth of food movements directly and indirectly challenge the legitimacy and hegemony of the corporate food regime. Regime change will require sustained pressure from a strong global food movement, built on durable alliances between Progressive and Radical trends.     

新兴市场经济体汇率制度的选择与实践：以越南为例

在实行管理浮动汇率制度的东亚新兴市场经济体中，越南的钉住美元的倾向最为明显。本文在回顾越南钉住汇率制实践的基础上，系统地分析了钉住美元制度的货币政策考量及汇率稳定机制。最后分析了越南钉住汇率制度在实践中面临的困境及可能的改革方向。     

深化行政审批制度改革推进法治政府建设——以海南省行政审批制度改革为视角

深化行政审批制度改革，是新世纪以来我国推进行政体制改革，建设法治政府建设的重要内容。本文以海南省行政审批制度改革的理论与实践创新为视角，分析论述了该省政务服务中心相对集中行政审批权，全面推进行政审批体制机制改革；努力加强行政审批的阳光政务建设，强化权力监督制约，确保廉洁高效审批；努力加强电子政务建设，实行网上行政审批，全面提升行政审批的效率和群众满意度，初步形成了地方行政审批制度改革的“海南模式”。     

Régimen político y democracia: conflicto constitucional en el pluralismo incompleto

Two constitutional features frame Mexico’s arrival to democracy: the creation of credible electoral institutions and the preservation of rules corresponding to the authoritarian regime inherited from the decade of the ‘30s in the twentieth century. These two sets of rules clash with each other, a fact which explains the low levels of democratic governance and the low quality of legislation and public policies. The political debate over this contradiction seems to have reached the lowest point and several different alternatives have been formulated to break the deadlock; nevertheless, the necessary political agreements that may clearly define a political path have not been reached. The article describes these processes and lays out the alternatives in dispute as well as possible outcomes in the near future.     

井冈山斗争时期的民主建设

＂以农村包围城市,武装夺取政权,最后夺取全国胜利＂的井冈山道路,不仅是一条将中国革命引向成功的胜利之路,一条符合当时中国国情和革命形势的科学发展之路,而且是一条艰辛探索并取得初步成效的民主实践之路。井冈山时期的军队民主建设、政权民主建设、经济民主建设不仅为井冈山革命根据地的巩固起了积极的推动作用,而且为以后的根据地建设、党的建设、军队建设积累了宝贵的经验。     

The Historical Roots of ‘Neo’-Conservativism

Analysis of recovery from internal conflict has neglected difficult, but evident, problems of regime resistance to refurbishment of state institutions. How widespread is such resistance, what are its causes and how might it be remedied? Frequently the problem is attributed to ‘lack of political will’ but that generality raises more questions than answers. This article investigates manifestations of regime resistance to institutional refurbishment, how they buttress the pursuit of private interest to the detriment of collective need, and the difficult challenges confronting reform processes whether driven by internal political demand or forms of external assistance. The thesis advanced is that institutional refurbishment within states recovering from internal conflict is critically dependent on intermediate relationships that evolve between ruling authorities and their publics. Here the organization and management of public grievances is critical.     

论跨界环境损害责任的确定因素

跨界环境损害的通常含义是指跨过国家边界线的物理存在或溢出造成的损害。污染方责任的确定首先应该考虑直接决定污染的因素,包括预防措施及恢复原状的成本和合理反应措施的费用。前者指符合成本效益的费用,即建立和维持集体行动制度的成本。后者是在确定这样的救济时,核心问题应该是合理和谨慎的主权国家或其代理人为减轻污染造成的损害而将采取的步骤,并同时注意技术可行性、有害的负作用以及这种再生过程的兼容性或其重叠性,以及在多大程度上这种努力超出了某一点变得多余或过于昂贵。其次需要考虑的是间接决定污染的因素,包括人身、财产与环境的损害。另外,在判断受害国的哪些损害应由加害国承担赔偿责任的问题上,需要考虑的另外一种情况是损害不是单纯由不法行为引起的,而是由并存的原因引起的。还有一个促成损害的问题需要考虑。     

Communist successor parties and government survival in Central Eastern Europe

This article analyses coalition survival in eleven post‐Communist, Central and Eastern European democracies. Survival analysis demonstrates that Communist Successor Parties (CSPs) are central to understanding government dissolution processes in post‐communism. Coalitions spanning the ‘regime divide’ between CSPs and parties not affiliated with the ancien regime last longer than governments that do not. Regime divide governments also are more likely to fall during periods of positive economic performance, while other governments fall during periods of negative economic performance. The reason lies in parties’ incentives to prolong their regime divide coalition with the CSP, especially in the face of adverse conditions.     

后危机时代我国金融创新监管的法律因应之道——以美国次贷危机为视点

在法律领域内,从金融创新监管角度研究美国次贷危机的论述很多,但经常自说自话,彼此之间并没有建立有效的联系。因此,运用金融学对美国次贷危机进行系统和深入的研究,对各种已有论说从微观（运用资产证券化和结构化金融技术设计出的次级抵押债券和金融衍生品）和宏观（上述金融衍生品的广泛交易,催生了一个还没有建立起有效监管的＂影子银行＂体系）两个层面加以整合,从而对次贷危机暴露出的金融创新监管问题实现一个整体和有机的把握,在此基础之上,从微观和宏观层面构建我国法律的因应之道就具有十分重要的意义。     

“易班”网络班级的重塑研究与实践——网络化生存背景下

当今大学生已经成为"网上的一代",网络化生存已经成为当代大学生重要的生活方式。"易班"网络班级在增强班级凝聚力,聚合班级学习氛围,调节师生关系等方面都发挥了重要作用。"易班"网络班级的健康发展,需要提升关注度,发挥学生"易班"建设的主体功能,需要加强整合度,满足学生对"易班"的合理需求,需要拓展参与度,提升专任教师的"易班"介入作用。