新权威主义、立宪政体与东亚法治转型

20世纪70年代东亚国家的新权威主义政体在政治集权、经济自由、开放意识形态的基础上实现了经济飞跃和社会发展。虽然新权威主义政体并不排斥民主和法治,且宪法均获得了名义上的权威,但由于经济发展和社会稳定的优先战略,东亚国家政治结构呈现出民主工具主义和"国家主义法治"的症状。在20世纪末期的第三波民主化浪潮中,东亚各国通过立宪主义的方式实现了民主主义的政治转型。     

从融资视角看小企业生存与发展问题

该文就小企业在国民经济的地位和作用，结合作者从事银行业监管的理论与实践，对中国现阶段小企业融资现状及影响小企业生存发展的主要原因进行分析，从融资层面提出改善小企业生存与发展环境的政策建议。     

市管县体制中博弈情境的系统分析

当前我国市领导县(含县级市)体制下的区划矛盾主要表现为各利益主体对于制度空间的博弈。通过系统科学的分析,可以从协调系统与环境的关系、理解系统内部的非零和博弈、改善系统信息非对称三个方面促成博弈的均衡解。     

构建南海非传统安全多边合作整体架构研究

近年来,南海非传统安全多边合作机制呈现“碎片化”特征,数量众多、不成体系、互不连属,造成了机制拥堵和功能重叠。南海多边合作机制“碎片化”和未形成多边合作整体架构的重要原因在于,中国、东盟声索国和域外大国这三类行为体各自牵头的机制多元共存,并对“谁的多边安全”“什么样的多边安全”“如何建立多边安全”这三个问题作出了各自的回答。构建南海非传统安全多边合作的整体架构,可将正在谈判中的“南海行为准则”作为“机制融合”的核心;同时,将《联合国海洋法公约》中的一些原则、“南海沿岸国合作机制”倡议融合到“南海行为准则”制定中;需要从高度紧迫且三类行为体尤其是中美都愿意合作的非传统安全威胁领域着手,并从已有的南海及其毗连海域非传统安全多边合作案例中获取经验。构建南海非传统安全多边合作的整体架构,相关国家应坚持四条基本原则：南海沿岸国寻求与域外大国的良性互动;打击跨国海盗和恐怖主义须作为优先选项;将提升海上能力建设作为重点;推进海洋环保和渔业资源管理的多边合作。     

转继承与夫妻财产制

作为经常发生的现象,转继承问题的解决在理论和司法实践中具有重要意义。但我国《继承法》并未对转继承问题做出规定,因此,转继承问题在法学理论界引起了争议。明确遗产的法律地位,分析转继承的适用范围,并结合我国的夫妻财产制的规定,才能正确的处理转继承问题。     

伊维菌素对内毒血症小鼠生存率和细胞因子分泌的影响

为研究伊维菌素对脂多糖所致内毒血症小鼠的保护率及对小鼠血清中细胞因子的影响,给C57BL/6小鼠灌服伊维菌素(1、2和4mg/kg)或等体积蒸馏水,2h后分别腹腔注射脂多糖32mg/kg或等体积PBS,观察7d内小鼠的死亡情况;采用夹心-ELISA法测定注射脂多糖后不同时间点小鼠血清中的TNF-α、IL-1β和IL-6水平,硝酸还原法测定小鼠血清中NO的水平。结果显示,伊维菌素能显著(P<0.05)提高脂多糖诱导的内毒血症小鼠生存率,降低小鼠血清中的TNF-α、IL-1β、IL-6和NO水平。表明,伊维菌素可通过抑制脂多糖诱导的小鼠体内炎性因子和介质释放提高内毒血症小鼠的生存率。     

The structure of the international telecommunications regime in transition: A network analysis of international organizations 1

This paper examines the structure of the international telecommunications regime in terms of networks of social interaction and institutional affiliation among international actors. Social interaction and overlapping membership data of 69 international telecommunications organizations in the Yearbook of International Organizations 1994/1995 are analyzed to describe the social structure of the international telecommunications system through network analysis. The analysis reveals a center‐periphery structure with the Western industrial countries at the center and the less developed countries at the periphery. The international telecommunications system is also regionally structured suggesting influence by geopolitical and cultural proximity. The results indicate that inter‐governmental global organizations such as the ITU and UNESCO play intermediate and coordinating roles at the central linking‐pin positions (or cut‐points) in the international telecommunications regime. In summary, this research shows that transitional trends in international telecommunications have affected the interaction patterns of international actors.     

Regime Age and Terrorism: Are New Democracies Prone to Terrorism?

One of the earlier empirical studies of the relationship between regime type and terrorism published in International Interactions determined that while established democracies were significantly less likely to experience terrorist attacks than were nondemocratic countries, newly established democracies were highly vulnerable to terrorism. Subsequent empirical studies have routinely controlled for both regime type and age, but scholarly understanding of the effect of regime longevity on terrorism remains underdeveloped. This study revisits the relationship between terrorism and regime type and regime age using updated data, analytical techniques, and time-series and finds that while young democracies experience more terrorism than older democracies, dictatorships of any age experience less terrorism than any other type of regime.     

The Post-Coup Military Spending Question Revisited, 1960–2000

Do military regimes spend more on the military than other regime types? All leaders cater to their winning coalition. For military leaders, core supporters are other members of the military. To solicit support from this group, first, leaders are persuaded to spend more on the military to ensure their political survival, while other autocratic leaders tend to view the military as a competing power center. Second, the cost of repressing challenges from the public in military regimes is cheaper than in other regimes; therefore, leaders in military regimes allocate more resources to the military to satisfy them. We test this argument by examining military spending in different regime types for 1960–2000. The empirical results from Prais-Winsten regression with panel-corrected standard errors indicate that military regimes allocate more, on average, to the military than other regimes and that military rulers brought into power through military coups or who have experienced military coup attempts against them increase their military resource allocation.     

Credibility and Flexibility: Political Institutions,Governance, and Foreign Direct Investment

This article argues that the relationship between political institutions and foreign direct investment is both nonlinear and conditional upon status quo policies. The empirical analysis demonstrates an inverted U-shaped relationship between political institutions and foreign direct investment in developing countries, with four veto players being the most attractive institutional arrangement. Countries with too few or too many veto players are not favored because of either high policy uncertainty or high policy rigidity. In addition, the benefits and costs of credibility and flexibility vary in good times and hard times. The benefits of maintaining status quo tend to outweigh the costs in countries with good initial regulatory environment. The costs of maintaining status quo tend to outweigh the benefits when countries are more vulnerable to exogenous shocks.