基于经济互补性视角的中阿经贸合作——兼议宁夏在中阿互补性经贸合作中的地位与前景

任何区域经济合作,在市场经济基础上只有达到"双赢",合作才有可能进行。"双赢"的前提是双方经济的互补性要大于竞争性。加强宁夏在中阿经贸合作中双边经济的互补性,有利于促进宁夏对外经贸合作的发展。     

Civil society participation in regional integration in Africa: A comparative analysis of ECOWAS,SADC, and the EAC

There is an undeniable trend towards civil society participation in virtually all issue-areas of global governance, yet civil society participation varies widely among international organisation (IOs). While this trend has inspired a voluminous academic literature, empirically-based, comparative studies of IO-civil society interaction in Africa remain largely absent. This article therefore examines civil society participation in three African subregional organisations – the East African Community (EAC), the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), and the Southern African Development Community (SADC). What are the factors that have made regional integration in ECOWAS relatively more people-driven, and that have thus far hindered effective civil society participation in the affairs of SADC and the EAC? Support from member states, allies in the respective organisation’s bureaucracy, and characteristics of civil society itself, the research shows, affect participation in regional integration, with the latter aspect apparently more salient in SADC and the EAC than in ECOWAS.     

The Context of Responsiveness: Resident Preferences,Water Scarcity,and Municipal Conservation Policy

The extent to which municipal policy is determined by the preferences of residents is a topic of growing importance. Recent work on the subject has challenged conventional wisdom and found that municipal policy is often, but not always, responsive to the ideology of residents. This paper takes up an important potential implication of these findings, exploring how resident ideology may interact with issue severity in the adoption of municipal policy. Hypotheses suggest that resident preferences will have the greatest effect in the presence of high issue severity and that issue severity will have the largest impact when residents have ideological preferences in line with policy solutions. I test hypotheses using municipal water rates, with models showing that the effects of resident ideology and water scarcity interact with each other to influence water conservation policy.     

一体化背景下的国家安全 战略能力探讨

能力是实现国家安全战略目标的基础,在国家安全战略实践中,能力是重中之重,但国家安全理论对能力问题的探讨却有所不足。国家安全战略能力是国家安全理论中的新概念,与国家安全能力、国家战略能力等传统概念既有联系又有区别,主要是指推动和落实国家安全战略的能力。随着国家安全概念不断拓展,国家安全战略能力也需要放在一体化的国家战略体系背景下深化分析。一体化概念运用到国家安全领域时,主要指统筹安全与发展的关系、各安全领域之间的关系、体系与能力的关系。国家行为主体建设和运用国家安全战略能力时,需要统筹这三对关系进行思考。一体化背景下,在国家安全战略能力要素方面,需要注意到战略资源、转化机制和谋划水平的拓展与延伸;在国家安全战略能力的结构方面,需要注意国家安全战略能力建设和运用各环节、各安全领域战略能力、国内外安全战略能力的变化。文章结合中国所处的当前战略环境,认为一体化背景下提升中国国家安全战略能力的主要途径包括强化战略领导能力、聚合国际国内资源、优化能力转化机制、军民融合发展和强化人才队伍建设。     

The Development-Insecurity Nexus in China’s Near-Abroad: Rethinking Cross-Border Economic Integration in an Era of State Transformation

Surprisingly, perhaps, China’s flagship Belt and Road Initiative expresses a familiar mix of the security–development nexus and liberal interdependence thesis: Chinese leaders expect economic development and integration will stabilise and secure neighbouring states and improve inter-state relations. However, drawing on the record of China’s intensive economic interaction with Myanmar, we argue that the opposite outcome may occur, for two reasons. First, capitalist development is inherently conflict-prone. Second, moreover, China’s cross-border economic relations today are shaped by state transformation – the fragmentation, decentralisation and internationalisation of party-state apparatuses. Accordingly, economic relations often emerge not from coherent national strategies, but from the uncoordinated, even contradictory, activities of various state and non-state agencies at multiple scales, which may exacerbate capitalist development’s conflictual aspects and undermine official policy goals. In the Sino-Myanmar case, the lead Chinese actors creating and managing cross-border economic engagements are sub-national agencies and enterprises based in, or operating through, Yunnan province. The rapacious form of development they have pursued has exacerbated insecurity, helped to reignite ethnic conflict in Myanmar’s borderlands, and plunged bilateral relations into crisis. Consequently, the Chinese government has had to change its policy and intervene in Myanmar’s domestic affairs to promote peace negotiations.     

On collective assertiveness and activism during the immigration process: a case study of Yemenite immigrants who founded Kiryat Shmona – 1949–1953

This article focuses on the ways in which over 200 families of Yemenite immigrants, who founded the city of Kiryat Shmona, the development town situated at the edge of Israel's Northern District, functioned as a group during the immigration process. This case study coincides with the trend – within research of mass immigration to Israel – that relates the historical narrative through the perspective of the immigrant and settler groups, rather than from the vantage point of the establishment in charge of their absorption. The affair could have gone down in the annals of history as a story of weakness and victimhood: hundreds of immigrants were sent off to settle in an outlying peripheral region and were compelled to integrate into an environment where the financially and political-powerful kibbutzim were preponderant. Yet the Yemenite immigrants of Kiryat Shmona turned out to be a consolidated, opinionated, fighting and stubborn force that succeeded, in trying conditions, to assert their voice, struggle for their values and identity, affect major changes within the immigration–absorption system.     

欧共体法律一体化探析

欧共体法律一体化是对区域经济一体化的回应,是形成统一大市场的客观要求和必然结果,体现为成员国法律的协调和统一,其核心是共同法律意识(法律精神)的培植。文章分别从共同大市场的运作(尤其是商品、资本、人力和服务的跨国自由流通)和共同体制度建设两个方面论证了实现法律一体化的必要性及其意义。     

我国社区矫正机构设置探析

我国《刑事诉讼法》和《社区矫正法》中的"社区矫正机构"尚没有明确释义。建设中国特色社区矫正机构,需要借鉴发达国家的成功经验,认真总结社区矫正试点试行中机构设置的利弊,做好顶层设计。鉴于目前的机构设置尚不成熟,建议在中央和省级将监狱和社区罪犯管理机构合并,在县级设立专门的执法机构取代司法所,直接承担对罪犯的管理职能。以司法所为主的执法管理模式不利于实现专业化和职业化发展。县级社区矫正机构可根据需要下设分支机构,但管理范围需打破乡镇、街道行政区划的界限,隶属关系向省级垂直管理的方向发展。这样有利于机构设置的精简高效,为扩大社区刑罚适用范围搭建好平台。     

What Is “Successful” Resettlement? Refugee Narratives From Regional New South Wales in Australia

This paper explores how people from refugee backgrounds experienced regional resettlement in New South Wales, Australia, by focusing on their narratives of determinants of “successful” resettlement. Semi-structured interviews with nine refugee participants in 2016 revealed challenges in relation to employment, social networks and relationships, and support services. While such challenges are consistent with research in metropolitan cities, there were limitations unique to the regional context. Resettlement policies have contradictory elements inherent to their design that can be detrimental to what refugees consider as successful resettlement. This has particular implications for more recent schemes like the Safe Haven Enterprise Visa (SHEV).     

The opposition deficit in EU accountability: Evidence from over 20 years of plenary debate in four member states

Debates about the European Union's democratic legitimacy put national parliaments into the spotlight. Do they enhance democratic accountability by offering visible debates and electoral choice about multilevel governance? To support such accountability, saliency of EU affairs in the plenary ought to be responsive to developments in EU governance, has to be linked to decision‐making moments and should feature a balance between government and opposition. The recent literature discusses various partisan incentives that support or undermine these criteria, but analyses integrating these arguments are rare. This article provides a novel comparative perspective by studying the patterns of public EU emphasis in more than 2.5 million plenary speeches from the German Bundestag, the British House of Commons, the Dutch Tweede Kamer and the Spanish Congreso de los Diputados over a prolonged period from 1991 to 2015. It documents that parliamentary actors are by and large responsive to EU authority and its exercise where especially intergovernmental moments of decision making spark plenary EU salience. But the salience of EU issues is mainly driven by government parties, decreases in election time and is negatively related to public Euroscepticism. The article concludes that national parliaments have only partially succeeded in enhancing EU accountability and suffer from an opposition deficit in particular.