Abolishing Illiteracy and Upgrading Culture: Adult Education and Revolutionary Hegemony in Socialist Laos

ABSTRACT

This article examines the monopolisation of political space by the Lao People’s Revolutionary Party, before and after 1975. Together with coercive measures, the Marxist-Leninist regime consolidated rule by establishing and disseminating new concepts of state power, social responsibility and socialist subjectivity, which formed the basis of a radical form of revolutionary hegemony. The Party propagated a new rhetoric of rule through mandated activities including village meetings, co-operatives and a much expanded but poor-quality mass education system. This article examines the system of adult education, where the Party sought to eradicate illiteracy and “upgrade culture” among economically productive 15 to 45-year-olds. Motivated by both politics and pedagogy, the Party imported this system from the Democratic Republic of Vietnam in the 1960s before institutionalising it after 1975. The resulting organisational structure fanned the rhetoric of rule across the national territory in an extensive manner that reached the illiterate “masses” in large numbers. Even where the programme encountered material shortages and apathy, mandated participation in adult education propagated the vocabulary and grammatical structure of socialist Laos, providing a codebook for how to participate in socialist society.     

Spirituality and anti-Western rhetoric in Uzbekistan in the early 2000s: the consequences of international misrecognition

References to the spirituality-morality (ma’naviyat) of the Uzbek people increased substantially throughout the course of Islam Karimov’s years in office as the President of Uzbekistan. Uzbek values were presented as qualities springing from the country’s supposedly unique civilizational heritage, cast as something distinct from “Western” civilizational norms and practice. This source of distinctiveness, however, soon gave way to a type of exclusionary discourse in the early 2000s, centered on clearly differentiating Uzbekistan from the “West.” This essay provides a lens through which to understand the phenomenon, arguing that international recognition of status partly accounts for the rise in the particularly anti-Western variant of Karimov’s rhetoric. Authorities in Uzbekistan, not unlike in Russia, built their foreign policy on the need to secure the country’s (allegedly) important status in the international arena; anti-Western rhetoric arose as a response to misrecognition, as it evaded appeals to equality of status and legitimized growing isolationism. The essay reviews the origins of that rhetoric, the meaning of recognition, and the backdrop against which anti-Western moralizing rhetoric arose in Uzbekistan’s international engagement. It also concludes with a brief assessment of how that rhetoric might affect (or not) the foreign policy of Uzbekistan’s new president, Shavkat Mirziyoyev.     

Catastrophic New Age Groups and Public Order

This article examines the recent emergence of separatist, countercultural groups observing a disaster-prone view of the future shaped by variations of New Age religion. While these groups have not uniformly adopted violent strategies against outsiders, the 1995 Aum Shinrikyo case should alert authorities to the potential for violent activism that exists in some New Age collectivities during periods when the group is experiencing an episode of stress. Particular attention is given here to the psychodynamic shift which took place in a Montana-based New Age religious movement as its visions of a forthcoming earthly disaster mobilized the membership to prepare for a cataclysmic event. It is likely that law enforcement agencies will encounter more cases of millennial excitement in catastrophic New Age groups in the near-term future as the approach of the year 2000 stimulates the apocalyptic imaginations of these countercultural movements.     

U.S.—Soviet relations: The global village and the free flow of information∗

For the past sixty‐seven years, the Council on Foreign Relations has dedicated itself to enlarging the public dialogue on matters affecting U.S. foreign policy and international affairs. This effort is to be commended. It stands as a testimony to your strong sense of civic responsibility, and it illustrates yet another way in which America's private and public sectors cooperate in matters of national concern.

Forty‐one years ago, Foreign Affairs published the landmark article—"Mr. X"— calling for a bold new approach to the challenges of the post‐war world. At that time, the international structure and order inherited from the nineteenth century had collapsed, and attempts to replace it were directed from two philosophically distinct and antagonistic power centers. This was the era of the Cold War.

America met those challenges with a sense of daring and determination. The Truman Doctrine, the Marshall Plan, NATO—these stand as testimonials to imaginative leadership and effort. The renewed vitality of Western Europe and Japan—protected by the shield of a strong and effective deterrence—are a measure of its success.

Today, America faces another historic challenge occasioned neither by war nor post‐war dislocations. Rather, it results from changes set in motion by a new and powerful dynamic which in recent years has exploded onto the world scene—the grand spectacle of the Information Revolution.     

Print journalism as political communication: The Iran hostage crisis 1

Studies of political communication and persuasion typically focus on deliberately persuasive communications of political actors. Contemporary rhetorical theories suggest the importance of rhetorical examinations of a range of communications not normally considered rhetorical/persuasive, including media news reports. Bormann's fantasy‐theme analysis is a rhetorical‐critical method that allows critics to discover the rhetorically created social realities of groups of people through detailed examination of their communication behavior. The method is particularly suited to discovering the motives of social actors who share social realities or “rhetorical visions.” Applied to U.S. print media coverage of the Iran hostage crisis, fantasy‐theme analysis reveals the motives that urged journalists to give the episode massive coverage, that urged Americans to become preoccupied with the episode, and that urged Americans to vote out an incumbent president. Thus, the study reveals the tremendous persuasive impact of “objective” materials like news coverage on electoral politics.     

Crises of confidence: Rhetorical constraints for incumbent party successors

Crises of confidence have plagued the American presidency since the introduction of television into the political sphere. Recognizing from previous research that unpopular incumbents use rhetoric in an effort to regain their credibility, this study looks at these rhetorical choices to see how they constrain or provide opportunities for the incumbent party's successors. Specifically, the study looks at the rhetoric surrounding instances where presidents have dropped 20 points in Gallup approval ratings within the last two years of their terms.

The study reveals that an unpopular incumbent's interest in regaining the public's faith is frequently at odds with his successor's interests. Incumbents need to remove themselves as the cause of the crisis, convince the public that they have the solution to the problem, and bide enough time to affect the situation. These choices tend to constrain the simplicity, flexibility, and timeliness of the successor's choices for rhetorically resolving the crises.     

Feminist thought and the totalitarian interloper: on rhetoric and the fear of ‘dangerous thinking’

Starting from the premise that thinking in itself cannot be dangerous, but that the presentation of thought as public communication can be an occasion to debate the potentialities of an intervention, this article addresses feminist theoretical disputes as rhetorical exchange. The focus is the now well-known critique that Martha Nussbaum made of Judith Butler’s work, a critique to which some have responded by questioning in turn Nussbaum’s certainties regarding what feminism is and should be. This article addresses the highly inflammatory terms and frames of reference of these exchanges. It asks: how is that those who are understood as leading feminist theorists can be read as dangerous collaborators with evil and those who defend normative theories of social justice can be read as fascistic? The article explores these questions by relating them to the ‘dangerous’ accusation that has been levied elsewhere (that is, in relation to the utilization of post-structuralist theory) and notices as crucial the terms of reference and versions of historical memory that are evoked, in particular those that evoke the history of totalitarianism and the figure of the fascist. The article argues that there are many routes by which to ‘explain’ the appearance of these contexts and figures but advocates a genealogical approach to understand how these contexts, fears and forms of rhetoric emerged. Concluding, the article suggests – rhetorically – that there is little comfort or gain to be had through a pretence that evil will attach itself to a particular theoretical style as if to a magnet, and little credibility to be given to one who claims the ability to see, to foresee and to comprehend the constitution of all the battles that face feminists and women, let alone democratic norms.     

试析《展喜犒师》一文的外交辞令

《展喜犒师》一文中 ,展喜在其兄展禽 (柳下惠 )的授意下 ,通过“犒师”的形式 ,凭借其出色的运用婉转其辞、正话反说、曲折达意等“外交辞令” ,不辱使命 ,终于劝退了来势汹汹的齐国军队 ,从而保全了鲁国国土完整。     

法庭调解语言中的修辞技艺探析——以亚里士多德的古典修辞学思想为线索

亚里士多德的古典修辞学理论认为,修辞是一种在每一事例上发现可行的说服方式的能力,其功能不在于说服,而在于发现存在于每一事例中的说服方式。他认为凭借修辞方法和说话人的努力可以达成的说服论证包括三种:运用说话人的品格(ethos)、激发听众的某种情感(pathos)和运用逻辑论证(logos)。亚里士多德这些技术性的说服修辞技巧以及他关于法庭(司法)演说、议事(或政治)演说和展示性(夸耀性)演说的分类,均可创造性地应用于法庭调解实践当中,具有重要的方法论意义。     

“Os Bons Colonizadores”: Cuba's Educational Mission in Angola, 1976–1991

This article examines the rhetorical construction of race and racial identities by letter writers in a US-based, South African newsletter. I highlight the rhetoric of crime, the strategic rhetoric of implying race, the construction of blackness, the rhetoric of white victimization, and the relationship between whiteness and nationality. I conclude with a brief query as to whether these letters are exemplary of racist discourse.